著者
岸畑 豊
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, pp.151-332, 1968-10-30

Thomas Hobbes, who lived an eventful life in the turbulent days of the Puritan Revolution, is a problematic philosopher; indeed, he had much concern about social and political affairs of those days. The present paper, however, aims to study Hobbes solely as a ture philosopher, and the reason for this concentration is, simply, that an accurate appreciation of his thoughts as a whole necessarily presupposes a full understanding of his philosophical foundations. The present study is mainly concerned with two basic problems in his philosophy. Hobbes names all objects of his philosophy 'corpus' (body). I should like to pay attention to this fact. What is meant by 'body', which is the sole object of his whole philosophy?-this is the first problem, i.e. the first point to be brought under examination. And then, how is his philosophy of man and common-wealth to be interpreted, on the basis of the result of that examination? This is the second problem. By his definition, philosophy (that is to say, science in general) is nothing but the correct ratiocination of reason, advancing from the diverse phenomena (natural or social ) or effects, to their causes, i.e. the things, and vice versa. Whenever an event unfolds itself before us, it is supposed that there must have been some things which have given rise to it. His philosophy intends seek after its causes. However, 'body', which his philosophy seeks, is neither the thing in itself nor its phenomenon, but just a being, such that it is ratiocinated and supposed by reason, which analyses this phenomenon with the view to finding its causes according to its own logic; or a being known by the names of'suppositum' and 'subjectum'. Suppositum or subjectum may be considered as a certain being supposed by reason under a phenomenon and, at the same time, in substitution for the thing in itself, so as to comprehend and account for that phenomenon. This is the true object of his philosophy, and here is a key to solve the riddles in his notorious materialism. According to this nature of body, we come to realize, therefore, that by the word 'man' is menat a body, to which some human 'accidentia' (accidents) are ascribed, and by 'common-wealth', literally, a body politic. There are, however, some notable differences between man and other natural beings. Man necessarily lives under certain social conditions, it is true, but he may, on occasions, endeavour to erect a desirable society working togather with their fellows. Man, in this sense, may be considered as a person. Now, 'person' is, in its original sense, a mask worn by an actor on the stage, and, in its transferred meaning, an actor himself, who personates himself or others and acts according to his assigned principles. If left in a state of nature, men must personate themselves, and act like wolves killing one another, from which state men necessarily hope to flee. They ardently desire to have a peaceful common-wealth set up, where they are expected to act as virtuous citizens. A common-wealth is, in his opinion, an artificial man established by the people, and a sovereign also is an artificial person, who, as an actor, stands for the citizens. The main contents of his philosophy of man and common-wealth are, in my opinion, composed of great dramas, depicting a progress of human beings from the state of nature to a peaceful state. We may find the original archetype of these dramas in the grand epic 'Exodus' in the Holy Scriptures. His philosophy of man and common-wealth, therefore, should be regarded, I conclude, as a philosophical theory of this great human emancipation. There still remain two problems, concerning which there have been no established theories as yet. The state of nature is described by him as 'Bellum omnium contra omnes' (a war of every man against every man). What does this description mean ? This is the first problem. To this there have been given several answers, indeed, but very few that are satisfactory. He thereby intends, I believe, to point out the radical evil of man, that is to say, the Original Sin of modern people. In spite of our belief in the modern rationality of the human behaviours, we ought to learn here about the irrational activities of man in modern times. And Hobbes has usually been blamed for his theory of Absolutism. What is meant by the aboslute sovereignty? This is the second point that remains unsolved. It is, of course, unreasonable to think that he did try to defend the Kings of those days in any way. We should rather say that his strange theory of the absolute sovereignty must be explicated as a logical consequence of the irrational activities of man mentioned above. A man, who shudders at the monster 'Leviathan', is really tormented by his radical evil that exists in himself. We should find here, in this point, the radical irrationality and other difficulties inherent in the modern state. The conclusion of this study is, in a word, that Hobbes was a true philosopher who had a deep insight into man and his relations in modern times. If we are to discuss the basic problems in modern philosophy and ethics more or less fundamentally, then we should remember that his philosophy, as the origin of these disciplines, deserves our snecial attention and is well worth our serious studies and re-examinations.
著者
森 三樹三郎
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.223-328, 1954-03-25

This is a report of the overseas research project "Field Research on Japanese Language and Culture Remaining in the Former Japanese Mandate Pacific Islands", supported by a Ministry of Education Scientific Research Grant (International Grant, Satoshi Toki, representative), 1994-1996.
著者
守屋 美都雄
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.45-113, 1954-03-25

1. Introduction. 2. Critique of the text in the Shuo-fu (説郛), edited by T'ao T'ing (陶梃) oi the Ming Dynasty (明代). 3. Critique of the text in tire Pao-yen-t'ang Pi-chi (寶顔堂秘笈)> edited by Ch'en Chi-ju (陳繼需) of the Ming Dynasty (明代). 4. Re-presentation of the original form of the Ching-ch'u Sui-shih-chi (〓楚歳時記). 5. Conclusion. The ChingcWu Sui-shih-chi (〓楚歳時記), originally complied by Tsung Lin (宗懍) in the Liang Dynasty (梁代) was a description of annual functions held around the middle basin of the Yang-tse-kiang (揚子江) at that time, and therefore ontains many traditions and records of the manners and customs of old China. Afterwards, during the Sui Dynasty (隋代), Tu Kung-shan (杜公贍) recomplied the said work, adding more descriptions, as well as his own notes, until its enriched contents looked like a sort of encyclopedia dealing with ceremonies throughout the year. However, it is a great regret for all persons concerned that this valuable piece of work by Tsung Lin was seldom looked at in the 10th century and is thought to have wholly disappeared from the world by the beginning of the 13th century. Meanwhile, Tu Kung-shan's revised annotation is widely believed to have been lost in the 13th century also, but I believe there still remain some points to be discussed in this connection. As a matter of fact, a rather good text of the Ching-ctiu Sui-shih-chi did exist in A.D. 1370, with the styles and forms proper to the original work retained to some extent. Regarding the texts of this work in our possession today, they can be divided,into two strains, and we can trace their respective sources: one is contained in a series named Pao-yen-fang Pi-chi (寶顔堂秘笈), complied by Ch'en Chi-ju (陳繼儒) of the Ming Dynasty (明代) and the other in a series named Shuo-fu (説郛)> complied by T'ao T'ing (陶〓) and completed under the same dynasty. These texts, according to prevailing opinion, are nothing but a combination of fragments of the Ching-ch'u Sui-shih-chi during the quoted in similar books of encyclopedic style written in the Tang and Sung Dynasties (唐宋時代). Yet, I have a somewhat different opinion, and should say that texts of the Pao yen-fang Pi-chi derived from th3 abovementioned text existed in A.D. 1370. Also, based upon the same text the Shuo ftc was composed, I believe. Here, it must be added that it is thought that the' Shuo-fu was supplemented by those fragments quoted in the T'ang and Sung encyclopedias. In this treatise, I have tried to re-present the original form of this text as exactly as possible, and two ways were taken to reach this end. Throughout the first part, corrections and supplements are made to the texts of the Pao-yen-V ang Pi-chi, referring to the original of the Pao yen-fang Pi-chi, and to changes, interpolations, omissions, etc., which were made while these texts were being copied one after another for generations. Next, in the second part, 54 articles of the above fragments have been shown. In fact, necessary materials, both Chinese and Japanese, were very useful, in discovering and collecting them. In so doing, I was happy to be able to detect meny omissions in the text of the Pao yen-fang Pi-chi. On the other hand, some descriptions were found mistakenly introduced in the materials as those of the Ching-ctiu-sui Shih-chi and therefore I closely examined each article as to wh3ther it was genuine or not. In the meantime, despite all my efforts, it was quite difficult to distinguish Tsung Lin's passages from Tu Kung-shan's notes, for which I am very sorry. However, if this little essay of mine can be of any help and service to the future progress of the study of Chinese folk-lore, I shall certainly be very happy.

2 0 0 0 OA 伊藤仁斎研究

著者
子安 宣邦
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, pp.A1-196, 1986-03-29
著者
森安 孝夫
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.31, pp.1-250, 1991-08-10
著者
田中 健二
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.10, pp.133-252, 1963-03-25

Bei der vorliegenden Arbeit handelt es sich um Herders Leben und seine Literaturansicht in der Weimarer Zeit. Wie bei meiner ehemaligen Arbeit fiber den jungen Herder habe ich auch hier Herders Dasein und seine Arbeiten und Vorstellungsweisen auf Grund seiner eigenen Schriften und der auf ihn bezuglichen Briefe und andern Quellen darzustellen versucht. Daher bildet die vorliegende Abhandlung eine Fortsetzung zur obengenannten Arbeit, deren Titel "Der junge Herder und seine Ansicht iiber die Literatur" (vgl. Memoirs of the Faculty of Literature Osaka University, Vol. V. March 1957) heiβt. Herders Weimarer Zeit habe ich nach den meisten deutschen Literaturhistorikern in zwei Perioden geteilt: die Zeit vor der Italien-Reise und die nach der Italien-Reise. Und das erste Kapitel behandelt die erstere, das zweite die letztere. Das kommt aber nicht davon, daβ die Reise fur die Entwicklung des Herderschen Geistes irgendeine wesentliche Bedeutung hat, sondern nur davon, daβ seine auf die Literatur bezuglichen Arbeiten konzentrisch zur Zeit vor der Reise erschienen sind. Da seine Italien-Reise selbst, von der Goethes ganz verschieden, fur seine Geistesentwicklung nicht von Bedeutung ist, so ist kein positiver Grund vorhanden, sie zum Periodisierungsmittel zu machen. Deswegen ist hier die Darstellung von Herders Italien-Reise weggelassen worden. Die zwei oder drei Jahre vor seinem Tode ausgenommen, stand Herder sein ganzes Leben hindurch in engem Verhaltnisse zu Goethe, sei es positiver oder negativer Art gewesen. Somit spielen diese beider Beziehungen auch in der vorliegenden Abhandlung mit Recht eine sehr wichtige Rolle. Da aber vom Hohepunkt der Herderschen schriftstellerischen Tatigkeit, d.h. vom Zeitabschnitt, in demdie Freundschaft zwischen Herder und Goethe dank dem Ineinandergreifen ihrer Gedanken ihren Gipfel erreichte, schon in dem Aufsatz mit dem Titel "Goethes und Herders Zusammenleben in Weimar bis zu Herders Italien-Reise" (vgl. Goethe-Jahrbuch III. Bd. 1961, hrg. v. "Goethe-Gesellschaft in Japan") gehandelt wurde, so habe ich hier nicht wiederholt, was dort alles gesagt wurde. Statt dessen habe ich versucht, auf seine vorweimarische Zeit zuruckgehend im Zusammenhang mit dem (Teutschen Merkur) seine Beziehungen zu Wieland, der es zeitlebens gut mit ihm meinte, moglichst getreu darzustellen. Und dann nehme ich aus seinen zahlreichen Arbeiten die folgenden Abhandlungen als mustergultige fur seine damalige Ansicht uber die Literatur auf : "Volkslieder", "Von Ahnlichkeit der mittleren englischen und deutschen Dichtkunst", "Das Hohelied Salomonis-Lieder der Liebe", "Uber den Emfliiβ der Dichtkunst auf die Sitten der Volker in alten und neuen Zeiten", "Vom Geist der ebraischen Poesie" und einige Aufsatze uber die Literatur in den ersten drei Sammlungen der "Zerstreuten Blatter" etc., um das Wesen des Herderschen Gedankens zu erforschen. Dabei habe ich sowohl die Entstehungsgeschichte dieser Abhandlungen als auch die wichtigen Fragen aufzuhellen versucht: In welcher Art ist der Begriff "Volkslied", der von seiner Jugendzeit an fur ihn der wichtigste ist, auf sie angewandt? Inwiefern sieht er die Bibel als em Urbild der Dichtuhg, ja fur eine echte Dichtung an? Wie kam es dazu, daβ er Epigramm und Fabel als Dichtungen anerkannte ? Zugleich damit wird dargestellt, wie seine Auseinandersetzung mit Lessing auch noch damals zur Aufrollung seiner eigenen literarischen-Probleme nicht wenig beigetragen hat. Im zweiten Kapitel ist von Herders letzten Jahren nach der Italien-Reise die Rede. Hier ist hauptsachlich iiber seine Abneigung gegen den Weimarer Hof, seine Begeisterung fur die Franzosische Revolution, den von Goethes und Schillers Freundschaftsbundnis verursachten Zwiespalt zwischen Herder und Goethe, seine Verfechtung der Moral und des Humanismus, seinen Streit gegen Kant, seine freundschaftliche Beziehung mit Jean Paul und sein literarisches Streben in seinem allerletzten Jahren etc. gehandelt worden. Nach der Italien-Reise hatte er wenig mit dem Literarischen zu tun, und uns ist nur noch -bekannt, daβ er durch seine letzten Werke, "Adrastea" und den "Cid", noch einmal auf dem Wege der ErschlieJβung und Ubersetzung fremder Literaturwerke war. Es ist also keineswegs dem Zufall, sondern dem zielbewuBten Versuche zuzuschreiben, daβ die Beschreibung des zweiten Kapitels im Vergleich mit der des ersten sehr einfach geworden ist. Denn das Hauptaugenmerk dieser Arbeit ist auf die Darstellung und Erschlieβung der Herderschen Literaturbetrachtung gelegt.

1 0 0 0 OA 老年期研究

著者
橘 覚勝
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, pp.1-359, 1958-03-25

The purpose of this paper is to explain and clarify the psychological structure of the process of aging and the aged. Facts and theories concerning them in biological, physiological. and sociological fields were collected in order to confirm the structure. This investigation, therefore, was divided into the following three parts. Part I Biological research in the span of life Part II Cultural-historical survey of the conception of the aged Part III Psychological investigation in the mental structure of the aged and each part contains such articles as below mentioned: (General introduction) Part I Chapter 1 What is aging ? Chapter 2 Statistical study in heredity of the length of life Chapter 3 Demographic and geographic distribution of the aged in Japan Part II Chapter 1 Role and status of the aged in primitive culture Chapter 2 The origin and development of 'Respect for the aged' in Japan Chapter 3 Historical survey of the pious ceremony and the welfare service for the aged in Japan Part III Chapter 1 Self-consciousness in aging period Chapter 2 Color preference of the aged Chapter 3 Experimental study in maze-learning of the aged Chapter 4 Reminiscences of the aged in early childhood Chapter 5 Some results of association test on the aged by Kent-Rosanoff table Chapter 6 Results of introversion-extroversion test on the aged Chapter 7 Experimental studies in mental and physical works of the aged-including Practce effect in motor speed and strength, and Bilateral difference Chapter 8 Religious experiences of the aged Chapter 9 A study of life conception of the aged through last words Chapter 10 'Alterskunst'--Structure of Sabi-experience (Conclusion) Current trends in gerontology--including general results of above mentioned investigations In each article the essential problem relevant to aging precess and the naged was treated of with various methods--experiment, measurement and survey. In conclusion we could manifest the mental structsre of the aged as 'Unentfaltete Vielheit' (undeveloped manifoldness), corresponding to E. Stern's conception concerning the one of the childhood and adolescence. More concretely speaking, contrary to the biological and social needs for perfection and adjustment in adolescence, indifference to family and social life and retirement from it with physical and mental frustrations give rise to our so-called structure of 'Unentfaltete Vielheit' and egocentric characteristics in senescence, and we could assume such period chronologically between 65 and 75 years of age. Recently, after World War II, in every country, especially in America, the problems of aging process and the aged are becoming very serious in medicine, sociology and psychology under the name of 'Gerontology'. We must promote out investigations further and further in every branch of science as important future problem.
著者
田中 健二
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.13, pp.1-192, 1966-01-30

Ich glaube sagen zu konnen, ein Volk offenbare in seiner Dichtung die Ganzheit seines Wesens, folglich sei die Dichtung oft der kurzeste Weg zu der uns zunachst verschlossenen Wesensart eines fremden Volkes. Man verweist heute den Literaturforscher, der mit weltanschaulichen Fragen an die Dichtung herantritt, nicht mehr auf die Zustandigkeit des Philosophen, sondern man weiβ schon, daβ Dichter und Denker, wenn auch auf verschiedenen Wegen und mit andren Mitteln, demselben Ziele, d.h. dem der Lebensdeutung zustreben. Im allgemeinen spricht der Dichter als Gestalter friiher das im Bilde aus, was der Denker dann auf abgezogene Begriife bringt. Das gilt vor allem fur das deutsche Geistesleben, wo oft der Dichter zugleich auch ein Denker ist, und fur die deutsche Dichtung, die oft auch weltanschaulichen, metaphysischen Gehalt besitzt. Wenn wir die Wesensart der deutschen Dichtung erkennen wollen, so miissen wir zu verstehen suchen, welche Denkarten fur sie bestimmend sind, und dabei die deutsche Art, die Welt und das Leben anzusehen, aus sich selbst verstehen und an dem messen, was sie selbst sich zum Ziele setzt. Die meisten Eigentiimlichkeiten des deutschen Volkes riihren von der Lage seines Lebensraums her. Deutschland ist ein Land der Mitte zwischen Ost und West, auf keiner Seite durch naturliche Grenzen geschiitzt und seit Jahrhunderten fast auf alien Seiten von Feinden umgeben. Vergleicht man mit Deutschlands Lage die vollige Abgeschlossenheit des insularen Englands, die starken natiirlichen Grenzen Frankreichs und Italiens und die ungeheuren, schwach besiedelten Steppen Ruβlands, so kann man sagen, daβ kaum ein andres Volk Europas einen derart ungiinstigen Lebensraum besitzt wie das deutsche. Solche Lage Deutschlands war seinem Wachstum zum Einheitsstaat so hinderlich, daβ es stets unter innerem Zwist gelitten hat. Geschichtlich betrachtet kann man also das deutsche bezeichnende Merkmal als ^Zerrissenheit" ansehen, woraus eine dynamische Welt- oder Lebensauffassung und darum notwendig der Zug nach einer Einheitsschau entspringt. Das der deutschen Dichtung Eigentiimlichste liegt denn auch, wie das der deutschen Philosophic, in dem Streben, jene Zweiheit, in welche die Lebenswirklichkeit immer wieder auseinanderzufallen droht, immer wieder in eins zusammenzuzwingen. Um auch nur etwas von solcher deutschen Denkart zu erschlieβen und damit das deutsche Wesen zu kennzeichnen, nehme ich in der vorliegenden Abhandlung folgende Weltanschauungen als beispielhafte fur die deutsche Wesensart auf: die organologische, die idealistische und die existentialistische, die jede ein Kapitel bilden. Und jedes Kapitel ist in zwei Teile geteilt. Erstes Kapitel: 1. Verschiedene Phasen der organischen Weltanschauung in der deutschen Literatur. 2. Organologische Erkenntniskunde bei J.G. Herder. Zweites Kapitel: 1. Idealismus als deutscher Geist. 2. Menschenbilder des deutschen Idealismus bei Kant, Fichte und Schiller. Drittes Kapitel: 1. Kampf zwischen der tragischen Weltanschauung und der theoretischen bei Nietzsche. 2. Religiositat bei Holderlin und Problem des Nihilismus bei Nietzsche. Zum Schluβ fuge ich hinzu: was mich zu dieser Abhandlung veranlafit, ist mein Herz, das mit Liebe zum deutschen Volke und mit Hoffnung auf seine Zukunft erfullt ist.
著者
湯浅 邦弘
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, pp.1-45, 1999-03-10
著者
山口 恵照
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.143-268, 1957-03-25

The system of the Samkhya-philosophy, which is inherent in the Samkhakarika text by Isvarakrisna, is one of the most excellent of the Brahmanical philosophies (darsana). What is the essential character of that system as a system of philosophy? This point has not been perfectly cleared up until now. The system of Samkhya-philosophy as one of the Indian philosophies should not be approached, says our writer, simply as a heretical philosophy according to the considerations given to the other world philosophies. This philosophy has hitherto been taken as representing dualism, atheism, realism, etc. But such a characterization is not fair and comprehensive, says Prof. Yamaguchi, as it is too sweeping a generalization. As a matter of fact, the Samkhya-philosophy made an attempt after its own manner to give a solution to the common problems of karma, samsara and moksa that commonly pertained to all the other classical Indian philosophies. We must therefore endeavour to clarify the fundamental principles of the Samkhya-philosophy by trying to study it as a composite whole without any prejudice. Prof. Yamaguchi has here ventured a new interpretation of the Samkhya-karika through a textual criticism of it and asserts that the system of Samkhya-philosophy embodies statement, definitions and exposition of the three fundamental principles which are respectively known as vyakta (mahadadi), avyakta (prakriti or pradhana) and purusa (jna). In the present article accordingly Prof. Yamaguchi treats of his subject under the following headings: I. Introduction. II. The System of the Samkhya-philosophy and its Logic (pramana). III. Exposition of vyakta, avyakta and purusa. IV. Conclusion.
著者
由井 紀久子
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, pp.A1-A29, 1996-03-15

the outer knowledge of language besides inner language factors to study it. This paper analyzes the meanings of Japanese verbs iku, kuru and miru with integration of main verbs and auxiliary verbs and expands the analysis to the process of extended and abstract usage, which contributes the study of factors in classifying the world with selected words. This paper names the independent meaning of the context Isolated System and prescribes that the meanings are represented under the influence of the context. In observations meanings are classified based on the usage of the words. Iku and kuru present abstract meaning at main verbs stage. This is characteristic of these verbs comparing yarn, kureru and morau. Semantic components <Movement>, <Source>, <Goal>, <Path> and <Direction> are set up for iku and kuru, and <Movement>, <Source>, <Goal> and additional component <<Judgement>> for miru. Abstract expansion are represented by metaphorical change of each component and emphasis of particular component. Metaphorical changes are caused by adoption of outer language knowledge in some cases.
著者
桑田 六郎
出版者
大阪大学
雑誌
大阪大學文學部紀要 (ISSN:04721373)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.1-43b, 1954-03-25

The contents are as follow: 1. The Three Provinces (南海, 桂林, 象郡) of South China in the Ch'in (秦) Dynasty and the Nine Provinces (南海, 蒼梧, 鬱林, 合浦, 交阯, 九眞, 日南, 〓耳, 珠崖郡) of the Han (漢) Dynasty. The Shih-chi (史記) mentions the establishment of the Nine Provinces after the defeat of Nan-yueh. (南越国). According to the chronicle of Wu-ti (武帝) in the Han-shu (漢書). the Nine Provinces were established in 111 B.C. (元鼎6年), but in other chapters (地理志, 賈捐之傅) of the same book two (〓耳, 珠崖) of them were established in 110 B.C. (元封元年). The Mouling-shu (茂陵書), probably found in the tomb of Wu-ti, mentions Hsiang (象) Province. Dr. N. Sugimoto says that the Nine Provinces mentioned in the Shih-chi included the two provinces 桂林 and 象郡 rather than the two provinces 〓耳 and 珠崖郡. I think that the Nine Provinces of Shih-chi were the same as those of the Han-shu, but the Han-shu was not correct in dating the establishment of the Nine Provinces in 111 B.C. The correct dates are 111 B.C. and 110 B.C. As for the Hsiang Province, I think that it was established by Wu-ti after the establishment of the Nine Provinces, and I locate the province in the western part of Kuang-hsi (廣西省). 2. The southern frontier of the Han empire and maritime intercourse with the western countries. Huang-chi (黄支) presented a rhinoceros as tribute to the court of Wang Mang (王莽). Dr. T. Fujita identified Huang-chi with Kanchipura (Conjeveram) in South India. But I think that Huang-chih was another form, invented intentionally by the Wang Mang party, to represent of Chiao chih (交阯). 3. The founding of Lini (林邑). Dr. G. Coedes identified £ri Mara of the Vo-canh inscription with Fan Shih-man (范師曼) of Fu-nan (扶南), but their dates'are not the same, and I can not decide which is correct, Fan Shih-man or Fan Man. 4. The ancient kingdoms (扶南, 眞臘) of Cambodia. 5. Dvaravati (堕和羅) of Siam and the Pyu (驃) in Burma. 6. Hindu colonies in the Malay Peninsula. 7. Srivijaya (室利佛逝) in Sumatra. Many years have passed since I identified the Ch'h-t'u (赤土) of the Sui (隋) Dynasty with the Srivijaya (室利佛逝) of the Tang (唐) Dynasty (東洋學報 IX, 2, 1919). The Chines3 embassy sailed southward along the Malay Peninsula and saw the mountains of Lankasuka (狼牙須). Dr. G. Coedes' identification of Ch'ih-t'u with Patalung in the peninsula is not correct. The Buddhist pilgrim I-ching (義淨) does not mention the name of Ch'ih-t'u. I think that Gh'ih-t'u is the same as Srivijaya, which I-ching visited. 8. The Sailendras in Java. The mohammedans often mention the Maharaja of Jawaga, a name derived from Jawaka, but afterward used to refer to Srivijaya, when the royal family of Srivijaya became the Sailendra. San-fu-ts'i (三佛齊) is not the transcription of Jawaga, but of Srivijaya. 9. Hindu remains,in Borneo and the Celebes.