著者

宮崎 市定

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.2, 1961-10

著者

宮崎 市定

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.4, pp.347-374, 1958-03-31

著者

澤井 一彰

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.4, pp.628-592, 2021-03

著者

森平 雅彦

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.3, pp.363-401, 2008-12

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The kings of Goryeo, who were subjects of the Yuan from the end of the 13th century to the mid 14th century, married princesses from the Mongol imperial house generation after generation. This study is a preliminary step in confirming the basic fact concerning the process of the marriages and a consideration of the significance of the pattern seen therein.The marriages between the royal house of Goryeo and Mongol imperial family took a unilateral form, with the Mongol side bestowing a princess to be wed to Goryeo. There may be some possibility that this was merely the result of the biological coincidence that there were no marriageable princesses from the Korean side, and that these marriages might not have been a deliberate device. The scope of marriage partners for the Goryeo royal house was limited to the family of Qubilai, which produced the Yuan emperors. It is a special circumstance, even if considering the intent of the Yuan government that favored central rule in regard to Goryeo. This can also be understood as special consideration for Goryeo, and such partiality can also be seen in the fact that many of the princesses bestowed on Goryeo were from the highest level of the imperial family. However, in consideration of the relationship with the Mongol imperial house in general and the distance from the emperor and the central axis of Yuan power, a controlled aspect is also visible. Nevertheless, the fact that marriage with the Mongol royal family, which served as the protector of national boundaries, was the key, this relationship can be understood as one aspect of the broader Yuan policy of rule, and also be viewed as a special characteristic of Goryeo. In regard to the kings who wed princesses from the same lineage of consorts of kings of former times, the common denominator is the fact that they all acceded to the throne in anomalous ways. If the intentions of those involved on the Goryeo side were reflected in the selection process, it is possible that the continuity of the lineage of the princesses may have been seen as a factor contributing to the legitimacy of the royal succession in Goryeo.

著者

宮崎 市定

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.3, 1959-12

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It has been known that the Yung-cheng emperor paid special attention to the local administration and adopted some new policies for it. Here the author asks what degree the emperor's intentions were realized. He tries to offer an answer through analysing Lan Ting-yuan (藍鼎元)'s Lu-chou-kung-an (鹿州公案), i.e. the original records of the struggle against the interrupters of his administration when he was Chih-hsien (知縣) at P'u-ning and Chao-yang prefecture, Chao-chou-fu (潮州府), Kuang-tung (廣東) province. Most disturbances were arose from the activities of Shu-li (胥吏), Tu-hao (土豪), Wo-tao (窩盜) and Sung-shih (訟師). Inspite of victoryover them, he was removed from his post because of his chief's unreasonable hatred. However the emperor did not leave such a talented officer tosuffer unjustly. Later he was restored his honor and promoted to Chih-fu (知府). The author concludes from the above story that the emperor's efforts for the local administration had actual results in practice.

著者

森平 雅彦

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.3, pp.363-401, 2008-12

著者

矢木 毅

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.3, pp.402-433, 2008-12

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Behind the use of Joseon, the early-modern country's name, was the consciousness that the country was the legitimate successor of Dangun Joseon 檀君朝鮮 and the ancient state of Gija Joseon 箕子朝鮮, which were thought to have actually existed in ancient times. The legends of Dangun Joseon and Gija Joseon are each indivisibly tied to the area of present-day Pyeongyang, and Seoul, the new capital of the Joseon dynasty, had from olden times been known as Pyeongyang of the South. Pyeongyang had flourished as the seat of government of Nangnang 樂浪郡 district, but with the southern advance of Goguryeo, Nangnang was destroyed and a temporary seat of government 僑郡 for the region was established in Liaodeng/Liaoxi 遼東・遼西 area. Pyeongyang once again flourished as the capital of Goguryeo, but with the Tang dynasty's destruction of Goguryeo, exiles streamed into the Liaodeng/Liaoxi region. These people brought with them to Liaodeng and Liaoxi the memory of the land around Pyeongyang that symbolized past glories and legend of Gija Joseon, which was inextricably tied to the Pyeongyang region. The people of early-modern Joseon who later "discovered" the legend came to see precisely this as proof of Gija Joseon's control of Liaodeng/Liaoxi, and came to argue that Gija Joseon had moved from Pyeonyang of Liaoxi, to Pyeongyang of Liaodeng, and finally to Pyeongyang of the Korean peninsula. This image of the territory of Gija Joseon, of course, overlapped with that of the territory of the Joseon kingdom of Dangun, the progenitor of the people. In this manner the image of the territory of the Ancient Joseon 古朝鮮 dynasties was "proven" through the records in the Chinese histories for early-modern Joseon.

著者

矢木 毅

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.3, pp.402-433, 2008-12

---

Behind the use of Joseon, the early-modern country's name, was the consciousness that the country was the legitimate successor of Dangun Joseon 檀君朝鮮 and the ancient state of Gija Joseon 箕子朝鮮, which were thought to have actually existed in ancient times. The legends of Dangun Joseon and Gija Joseon are each indivisibly tied to the area of present-day Pyeongyang, and Seoul, the new capital of the Joseon dynasty, had from olden times been known as Pyeongyang of the South. Pyeongyang had flourished as the seat of government of Nangnang 樂浪郡 district, but with the southern advance of Goguryeo, Nangnang was destroyed and a temporary seat of government 僑郡 for the region was established in Liaodeng/Liaoxi 遼東・遼西 area. Pyeongyang once again flourished as the capital of Goguryeo, but with the Tang dynasty's destruction of Goguryeo, exiles streamed into the Liaodeng/Liaoxi region. These people brought with them to Liaodeng and Liaoxi the memory of the land around Pyeongyang that symbolized past glories and legend of Gija Joseon, which was inextricably tied to the Pyeongyang region. The people of early-modern Joseon who later "discovered" the legend came to see precisely this as proof of Gija Joseon's control of Liaodeng/Liaoxi, and came to argue that Gija Joseon had moved from Pyeonyang of Liaoxi, to Pyeongyang of Liaodeng, and finally to Pyeongyang of the Korean peninsula. This image of the territory of Gija Joseon, of course, overlapped with that of the territory of the Joseon kingdom of Dangun, the progenitor of the people. In this manner the image of the territory of the Ancient Joseon 古朝鮮 dynasties was "proven" through the records in the Chinese histories for early-modern Joseon.

著者

稻葉 穰

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.1, pp.174-151, 2010-06

著者

坂井 弘紀

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.4, pp.671-679, 2010-03

著者

清水 誠

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.4, 1960-01

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Analysing the finances of the Abbasid State from the socio-economic standpoint, the author probes the relationship between the State and the newly-rising middle class. The Abbasid State, moving from the period of establishment to one of stability, gained control of the grain of the Sawad, (the replacement of the misaha by the muqasama system at the end of the reign of al-Mansur) in order to sustain the mechanism of the State, and to restrain the merchants from seizing intermediate profits which they had previously taken from the peasants, who were the taxpayers, by the system of the cadastral tax in money (misaha). But the middle class, consisting of merchants, proprietors (tunna)), and others who wielded economic power, gradually came to occupy an important position in the society and to have a severe antagonism against the bureaucratic State which was working to complete its internal expansion. The antagonism, nevertheless, found a compromise in the one-step retreat on the part of the State. This retreat meant in fact the farming out of tax managements (daman) and the fosterage of the rank of purveyors through the business of public grain of the Sawad. It was indeed the presence of the complicated mechanism of the fiscal administration and the supervision by a centralized authority that permitted this excessive concession to those who, though favoured by financial capacity, were lacking in professional knowledge relative to the public fiscal economy. On the other hand, since this compromise between the State and the middle class imposed a consequent economic oppression upon the lower classes, the Abbasid State was doomed to be alienated from them, and this must be regarded as one of the fundamental causes of the internal disintegration of the State.

著者

澁谷 浩一

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.3, pp.608-572, 2011-12

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The peace agreement between Qing and Zunghar of 1740 was a historical turning point in which the two parties established for the first time peaceful and amicable relations, but the understanding of the circumstances and contents of the agreement has been insufficient. This study of the process of the negotiations for a peace agreement and the content of the peace agreement through a detailed examination of newly discovered Manchu language sources addresses the peace agreement from the viewpoint of international relations in central Eurasia and focuses in particular on the influence of the conclusion of the Treaty of Kyakhta of 1728. From the opening of negotiations both sides were strongly conscious of their relations with Russia. From the start the Yongzheng emperor attempted to determine the national boundary in manner of the Treaty of Kyakhta in which the details of the national border in the region was decided after the agreement. The Qing side thus advocated establishing a buffer zone and the permanent guard posts, karun, in the negotiations on the basis of the experience of negotiations with Russia on determining the border. On the other hand, the Zunghar side, while exploring the strengthening of ties with Russia in the early stage, stressed to the Qing that amicable relations with Russia existed even though the border had not been settled, and thereafter it consistently upheld the position that the settling the border was not desirable. The Qianlong emperor, who succeeded Yongzheng, yielded to Galdan Tseren who rejected the Qing proposal for a national border set at the Altai Mountains, and agreed to a peace that left the national border undemarcated. The ultimate peace agreement involved mutual recognition of maintenance of the current pasture lands that did not go beyond the Altai mountains or Zavkhan River, and additionally recognition of status quo in regard to the Zunghar Ulyanhai tribe, located on the northern side of the Altai range, which is an important clause that has not previously been recognized. This clause reflected the intention of the Qing side to confirm a resolution with the Zunghar the issue of sovereignty over the Ulyanhai that had been resolved with the Russians in the Treaty of Kyakhta. It is fair to say that the peace agreement made at this time was predicated in its entirety on the conclusion of the Treaty of Kyakhta between Russia and the Qing and established under its influence as can also be seen in the stipulations on emissaries and trade that were made at the same time during which relations with Russia and the Treaty of Kyakhta were in mind throughout.

著者

中見 立夫

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.71, no.2, pp.282-315, 2012-09

著者

清水 和裕

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.362-333, 2008-09

著者

勝藤 猛

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, no.2, pp.125-142, 1958-09-01

著者

羽田 明

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.6, pp.513-532, 1954-01-30

著者

曾布川 寛

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.3, pp.349-380, 2010-12

著者

向井 佑介

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.3, pp.516-528, 2009-12

著者

舩田 善之

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.4, pp.650-681, 2005-03

著者

柳谷 あゆみ

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.75, no.2, pp.379-348, 2016-09