著者

横山 勝英

出版者

The Japan Sociological Society

雑誌

社会学評論 (ISSN:00215414)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.1, pp.68-96,111, 1972-07-30 (Released:2009-11-11)

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The purpose of this paper is to make clear the social meaning of the size and distribution of outcaste communities in the feudatory of the Kaga clan by means of mapping method. The size and distribution of outcaste (so-called “buraku”) will be significant for the macroscopic analysis of the “buraku” provided that the “buraku” can be said to be a phenomenon that stems from the problem of the social structure of power. A major premise of this analysis is that if outcaste communities had not had their own social functions and privileges, it would not happen that they have kept on being discriminated and segregated so long for the reason that they have been minorities against feudal authorities. That is, they had their own social functions and privileges peculiar to them. The functions and privileges were not the same for each community, because these functions and privileges were associated with the maintenance of the feudal order which had a very complex system in itself. Since the provinces of Kaga, Ecchu, and Noto had not been integrated before the Kaga clan was organized, total society had not existed before then. Each of these provinces had the principle of the social organization of its own. In the integrating process of the Kaga clan, the feudal lord (daimyo) could not help taking these principles into consideration. Consequently, most of the people who had been subordinated to manors (shoen), shrines, temples or villages were treated as the outcaste called Kawata or Tonai, while private servants who were subordinated to patriarchal families were not treated in the same way. The social change of the Kaga clan followed three stages : first, a militaristic society controlled by the samurai ; second, an agricultiral society consisted of uniform village communities, “mura”, and maintained by the recurrence of the same social production ; and third, an ascribed society maintained by an ascribed status system. The Kaga clan invited several people called Kawata to the castle towns, Kanazawa and Takaoka for processing leather that was necessary for arms in 1609. In the first stage of the Kaga clan, the control over building a military system was the moss important problem to establish the total society. In the second stage, the command of land tax was a pressing necessity for putting the finances of the feudal clan on a firm basis. For this reason, the Kaga clan enforced the low of Kaisaku which aimed at exploiting all the surplus labor of the peasants, and on the other hand, encouraged them to develop newly cultivated rice fields. As the result, some of the peasants deserted their villages and flowed into towns. However, as there were limits to finding employment in town, the number of beggers (Hinin) increased gradually since 1651. In 1670, Hiningoya (a hut for Hinin to live in) were set up at Kanazawa. And, since 1671, the Kaga clan appropriated people who were interned into Hiningoya for developing newly cultivated rice fields. However, there were limits to developing newly cultivated rice fields, too. Since 1677, as the third stage, the Kaga clan could not help emphasizing the maintenance of status system, which was based on the political system of the time. Consequently, in 1961, the police tasks were assigned to Tonai. In 1800, landownership of Tonai and Eta (Kawata) was prohibited. As mentioned above, Kawata (Eta), Tonai and Hinin had their own social functions which corresponded to the change of feudal society : first, military functions, second, developemental functions for newly cultivated rice fields, and third, political functions. At the first and second stages, discrimination was nothing but a extension of that of the Middle ages ; feudal discrimination and segregation began at the third stage.