著者
浜口 毅樹 後藤 紀洋彦 冨士原 正保 岡田 弘 荒川 創一 松本 修 守殿 貞夫
出版者
泌尿器科紀要刊行会
雑誌
泌尿器科紀要 (ISSN:00181994)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, no.2, pp.367-369, 1989-02

A clinical study was performed on 4 patients with paraquat poisoning treated between 1985 and 1987. The survival rate was 0% in our hospital.
著者
平野 智洋
出版者
The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.1, pp.58-75, 2001

The highest court titles, despot (δεσποτης), <i>sevastokrator</i> (σεβαστοκρατωρ), and <i>Kaisar</i> (καισαρ), had very important roles in the Late Byzantune Empire. The holders of these titles, normally members of the imperial family, had considerable influences not only on the political scene, but also on the provincal administration as they were the highest position of its apparatus. On the administrative role of the title holders, many scholars have explained that it had the same character as the Western appanage, and that the administration did not depend on his their titles, but simply on that they were a member of the imperial family; their administration was basically private, since it had no foundation in the Byzantine theory of government. I make my examination, therefore, in comparison with that Byzantine administrative apparatus and office of the governor considering its continuity.<br>There are many cases which one and the same person had both the office of governor (κεψαλη) and the court title. In such cases, the administrator more often signed himself, or was mentioned by others, as the latter rather than the former in documentary sources. This custom indicates that that person tried to raise his authority by using the court title which indicated his higher social status. It was probably an omission of formality as well because there was no need to refer oneself as the lower class of the <i>kephali</i>. And the absence of that reference after the second half of the fourteenth century indicates that this formal omission became more prevalent.<br>Substantially, there is no difference in the administratorship before and after 1349, when the Emperor Ioannis VI Kandakouzinos (1347-54) appointed his relatives as the administrator of imperial territory. The administration of the despots was definitely different from that of the co-Emperor Matthaios Kandakouzinos (1353-57), whose authority involved real autonomy. Though their authority was rapidly enlarged, it was not established as private (except for the case of Thessaloniki in the first half of fifteenth century) or autonomous. They lacked their own diplomacy and the rights to inheritance. Especially in the Morea, from Manouil Kandakouzinos (1349-80), the first, to Dimitrios Palaiologos (1449-60), the last, all the <i>despotai</i> were apparently the imperial governers rather than the private landlords. Although the tendency of feudalization continuously developed in the imperial territory, these administrators did not originate from that tendency.
著者
宮城県教育委員会
出版者
宮城県
巻号頁・発行日
vol.県教育委員会の対応記録, 2012-10-17
著者
伊藤 正子
出版者
京都大学東南アジア研究所
雑誌
東南アジア研究 (ISSN:05638682)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.3, pp.294-313, 2010-12-30

Korean’s memories as heroic stories have been confused since Han-kyoreh magazine reported that Korean troops conducted mass killings. After 30 years, an ex-service Korean’s group visited the Ha My hamlet, Quang Nam Province, where slaughters occurred in 1968. They built a monument for the victims. But when it was completed, the group felt shocked about a poem on the massacre on the monument. After going back to Korea, they demanded revisions. The Vietnamese government, which was asked for revisions by the Korean Embassy, put pressure on the villagers, who finally covered the inscription. Vietnamese policy is to seal the past and look to the future as at present, the most important issue for the government is to procure development funds from other countries, and to maintain the legitimacy of the Communist Party through economic development. Therefore, the memories of the Ha My, whose villagers did not necessarily contribute to the Revolution, could not become an official memory. Further, those memories are not connected with nationalism. This point is the most different when comparing with the case between Korea or China and Japan. After the report by the Han-kyoreh, one Korean NGO started volunteer activities for Vietnamese survivors. Through those activities, some survivors have been healed, and for the sake of the Korean NGO, the memory of Ha My, which can never become official memory, is preserved in Vietnam.
著者
上神 貴佳
出版者
木鐸社
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.2008, no.1, pp.220-240, 2008

1 0 0 0 OA 大和物語

出版者

『大和物語』は平安時代成立の歌物語。展示本はこれを奈良絵本にしたもの。布地表紙、金箔見返し、本文料紙は金泥で草花を描く美麗な写本。装訂は綴葉装(列帖装)、精緻な挿絵33図がある。第3冊、第5冊には近世風俗で描かれた人物が見える。『大和物語』は一般に173段に分けられているが、展示本は第2冊以降に錯簡が多い。