著者

"春日 雅司" "カスガ マサシ" Masashi" "KASUGA

雑誌

経営情報研究 : 摂南大学経営情報学部論集

巻号頁・発行日

vol.3, no.1, pp.117-131, 1995-07

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"戦後わが国では,男性と同等の権利として女性の参政権が認められた。国と地方を問わず,選挙を重ねる毎に女性の投票率が男性のそれを上回るようになり,女性の政治参加も活発になってきたかのように見える。だが戦後50年を経過してもなお,わが国の地方政治家はその大部分が男性で占められ,女性は投票はするが立候補(と当然のことながら当選)はしないという事実がある。ではなぜ女性は立候補しないのか,あるいは女性の地方政治家が少ないのか。その理由として,筆者は女性が男性に比べて立候補しようとする動機づけが弱いからではなく,その動機づけを促す社会の側に強力な障害があるからではないかと考えている。そこで,これまで男性中心の議員についてあてはめていた,「地元出身候補は,その集票基盤として基礎的な関係により多く依存する」という仮説が女性議員の場合にもあてはまるのかということについて,地元出身グループとそうでないグループを男女議員でコホート化し,筆者が提示した有権者と候補者の「政治的相互作用」モデルにもとづいて検証した。その結果,1)地元出身の女性候補は,地元以外の候補に比べ「血縁」関係を重視し,地区推薦も高い割合で受けている,しかし,2)政党支援ならびに後援会の所有については両者に差がない,ということが分かった。このことから,一見仮説があてはまるかのように思えるが,これを男性議員の場合と比べると,1)基本コホートである地元出身と地元以外の割合についてみると,女性議員の7割が後者であったのに対し,地元出身の男性議員は逆に7割に達していた,2)「血縁」関係の重視については男性議員に比較すべきデータはなかったが,地元出身の女性議員が地区推薦を受けているといっても,地元以外の男性議員が受けている割合に比べても少ないものであった,3)出身地にかかわらず女性候補は政党から公認を受けている割合が高い,4)女性候補はいずれも後援会に強く依存している,という特徴を持っていた。以上を総合的に勘案すると,やはりこの仮説は検証されなかった,と言える。つまり,女性候補は地元出身であっても,地区推薦という基礎的関係に依存できないし,またその分,政党や後援会という機能的関係に依存しなければならないのである。これは基礎的関係の重視という,これまで男性本位で形成されてきた日常的社会関係の延長線上に投票・集票行動があるため,女性候補の7割が地元でないという事実は重く,一方で出世地を変えることで強い問題意識を持ちながらも,他方で徹底的に地域社会から乖離しているため,基礎的関係に依存できないでいる。そのことは,結局たとえ強い動機が形成されたとしても,出馬のための客観的条件が不十分であり,そのことが更なる動機形成を阻止するということを説明するものである。""Since the second world war, Japanese women have gotten at last the same voting rights as men. Irrespective of general elections or local ones, the voting rates of women have gradually come to be more than that of men as elections progressed. It looks as if the political participation of women were more active. However, although a half century has passed since the war, almost all the seats of councillors are still occupied by men. It is an undeniable fact that many women vote, but few of them stand as a candidate for local elections. Why don't they stand, or why are there few women councillors in Japan? My conception is that women's motivations for standing are not weaker than that of men, but the existing social system that has been organised with men is an obstacle in the development of their motivations for standing. I have insisted that men councillors who have not moved from their birthplace depend on the fundamental relationships in elections. In this paper, using the survey data from women councillors in the whole of Japan and men councillors in the Kinki area, I examined whether my hypothesis which I have adopted to men's councillors is true for women councillors as well. My hypothesis is that 'Candidates who were born in the same place as their candidacy have a tendency to obtain a great number of their votes mainly from fundamental relationships to electors, not from functional ones'. I divided women and men councillors into four Cohort groups : women and men candidates whose present addresses are the same as their birthplaces (Cohort A and Cohort C). Women and men candidates whose present addresses are different from their birthplaces (Cohort B and Cohort D. The percentage of each Cohort : A=28%, B=69%, C=72%, D=28%). My findings are as follows : 1. Cohort A attached much importance to kin-relationship. 2. The percentage of neighbourhood-recommendation (Chiku Suisen) in Cohort A was higher than Cohort B, but it was lower than Cohort D. 3. The percentage of official approvals by political parties between Cohorts A and B were almost the same (about sixty per cent). And this percentage was the same for Cohort D. 4. Fifty or more per cent of Cohorts A and B depended on their supporter associations (Koenkai). In the final result, my hypothesis was not testified. Undoubtedly Women candidates who were born in the same place as their candidacy relied on kin-relationship, but it was an individual one. So the amount of kin-relationship was normally small. And they couldn't necessarily depend on the fundamental relationships of the neighbourhood-recommendations. Instead of it, they had to rely on party and supporter associations. In Japan elector-candidate relationships have been based on their fundamental social relationships in which men play important roles. This was the reason why Gimoto (both the birthplace and their candidacy are the same) Giin was only one-quarter in women councillors, although three-quarter in men councillors. In general, women, who move from their birthplace (normally speaking, because of their marriages), acquire penetrating eyes to social problems on the one hand, but on the other, due to their estrangement from their new neighbourhood-community that is their husband's address, they can't rely on it when they hope to stand. Japanese women have critical minds, but there are not enough social circumstances that stimulate them to stand for election."