著者

宗意 和代

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 = 国際日本学論叢 (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.五四(39)-三三(60), 2014-03-18

---

The romance novel or romantic novel is a literary genre. The history begin Samuel Richardson's popular 1740 novel "Pamela, or Virtue Rewarded". Now romance fiction comprises 48.8% of all popular paperback fiction sold in North America. This genre is popular in Europe and Australia, and translated in 90 languages. Romance novels place their primary focus on the relationship and "romantic love" between two people, and must have an "emotionally satisfying and optimistic ending.How the meaning of the "romantic love" is understood by women?For the purpose of studying the genre "Romance", this article pursues the effect and influence of mainly women' s reading upon the understanding of "romantic love" in the English Language Countries.

著者

武藤 美枝子

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.1-22, 2012-03-23

---

The tōgaku dance "Shunnōden" originated in Tang-dynasty China and was brought toJapan by the mid-ninth century at the latest. The name"Shunnōden" is composed of thethree Chinese characters 春鶯囀 ,literally 'spring,warbler,twittering /singing'. The birdreferred to by the second character is not the same in China and Japan,although bothbirds sing nicely. Here in Japan,this bird has been much loved as the little bird who tellsus of the coming of the long-awaited spring. "Shunnōden" was danced many times on theoccasions of imperial visits to the Emperor's parent(s),which customarily took place invery early spring,and also on birthday anniversaries in spring. Although this bird isclosely associated with plum trees in Japan,modern zoology has revealed that the bird inquestion has no habit of coming to plum trees.In the"The Festival of the Cherry Blossoms" chapter of the Tale of Genji,Genji dances"a brief passage"of a dance since "the crown prince himself presented a sprig of blossomsfor his cap and pressed him so hard to dance..." (English translation by E. G.Seidensticker). The text does not give the name of the dance, but most scholars,studyguidebooks and translations into modern Japanese have so far assumed it was"Shunnōden"that Genji danced here; "Shunnōden," as danced by professional dancers,wasthe preceding performance in the Festival, and it has been believed that Genji justrepeated a part of it. However, the author of this paper argues that the dance must havebeen a passage from"Seigaiha" ('Blue Sea Waves'), which Genji had danced so beautifullyon an autumn excursion in the preceding chapter ('Momiji no ga,' or "An AutumnExcursion"). The grounds for this interpretation include the following:・The brief passage Genji danced was"the quiet waving of his sleeves." The Japaneseword used here for'waving'is kaesu,and the word kaesu is customarily used to refer towaves that come and go (kaesu is the word for"go"); in contrast, kaesu is not used inassociation with the movements of the wings of birds.・The crown prince recalled Genji's dancing "Seigaiha"when he saw the setting sun,whose glow had enhanced the divine beauty of Genji's dancing,and then offered Genji asprig to use as a headdress (kazashi). "Shunnōden"does not have a particular tie to aheaddress. Although "Seigaiha"itself does not have one either,a headdress may haveserved as trigger to the crown prince's memory because Genji had danced "Seigaiha"with a sprig in his cap in the preceding chapter.・Lovers in olden days waved their sleeves to invite the soul of their loved one. Genji wassending his message of love to Empress Fujitsubo,just as he did in his dancing in thepreceding chapter. We know Fujitsubo understood his message when we see that she started her wistful poem with the expression ōkata ni,* the very expression she used in the preceding chapter as the closing of her response to Genji when he informed her thathe had performed the sleeve-waving part of "Seigaiha" with all his heart for her.*Note:It is hard to establish the precise connotation of this word in the two situations in translatedversions, since the word is translated differently by the various translators.

著者

Kahlow Andrea Luise

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 = 国際日本学論叢 (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, pp.1-35, 2018-04-17

---

The “Dance of the Herons” (sagimai 鷺舞) is a dance with instrumentaland vocal accompaniment, performed by two dancers in full-body heroncostumes at a summer festival on July 20 and 27 in Tsuwano, an old castletown in western Honshu that attracts many tourists with its beautifullypreserved Edo townscape. The dancers, who represent a male and femaleheron, are joined by other performance elements deriving from themedieval Gion festival, such as the drum dance kakko mai 羯鼓舞. TheGion festival, the annual festival of Kyotoʼs Yasaka Shrine, is one ofJapanʼs biggest summer festivals, famous for its elaborate floats andfestival music. In this article, the present form of the sagimai is situated inits relationship to its history. Analysis is based on the results of previousresearch as well as the authorʼs fieldwork, including interviews with theperformers.

著者

Suzumura Yusuke

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 = 国際日本学論叢 (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.86(41)-75(52), 2013-03-08

---

The status of women performers in Noh has been a subject of debatebefore women's entry into the Nohgaku Kyokai (Nohgaku Performers'Association) in 1948. In 1948, just a few years after the Second World War,several women were allowed to apply for professional status as Nohperformers. Before that, women were only permitted to practice Noh as ahobby. Even after women were recognized as Noh professionals, it was notuntil 2004 that certain female Noh performers were recognized as IntangibleCultural Properties and permitted to enter the Nihon Nohgakukai(Association for Japanese Noh Plays). It means that they were notrecognised at the highest levels of professional performance of Noh, thoughsome of them were as skilled as male professionals. After that, however,there still remains a considerable negative attitude to Noh performances bywomen or women Noh players among critics or audiences. In thispresentation, we examine articles on women's Noh performance run in someJapanese general newspapers after the late 19th century to the present anddiscuss these articles quantitatively and qualitatively. In this way we will findand analyse some tendencies or characteristics in discourse aboutperformance depending on differences in sex, their skill, or their status asthe Noh performers. The paper will discuss socially-accepted ideasrepresented in these articles. This will make it clear that the logic of somenegative attitudes to Noh performances by women or women Noh players isbased on the tradition of Noh as well as their ability or technique.

著者

MUTŌ Mieko

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.19-44, 2016-03-07

---

In The Tale of Genji , sons of leading characters are assigned to dance on celebratory occasions. This paper studies the boys who danced in the tale, and the findings include that the age of the Emperor Kiritsubo's Fourth Prince would have been fourteen or fifteen when he danced Shūfūrakuduring the imperial visit to Suzaku-in in "Momiji no Ga" ("Beneath the Autumn Leaves"); His Excellency Higekuro's third and fourth sons from Tamakazura would be ten and nine respectively; Commander Yūgiri'seldest son would be nine, the second most likely eight, and the third one seven when they danced for the fiftieth birth-year celebration of Suzaku-in (on the final rehearsal day9in "Wakana 2" ("Spring Shoots II"). The ages of the two sons of Hyōbukyō no Miya (His Highness of War) in the samechapter are questionable if we assume that their mother is the Prince's first wife. Courtier boys in The Tale of Genji dance the pieces that were standard pieces for boys at that time. The author of the tale observes the ongoing practices of boys' dancing of the era.

著者

金 命柱

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.42-23, 2012-03-23

---

In this thesis "The Occupation years (1945-1952)" I compared andanalyzed Christmas in Japan and in the USA, paying attention not only to theChristmas influenced by the leading role of the occupying US forces,butalso to the way the Japanese,especially Japanese children,spent Christmasunder the American occupation. It became thus clear that in the occupiedJapan Christmas was celebrated with some political intentions by theoccupying side and in the social relations between the occupying and theoccupied sides. Through this,it was implied that Christmas had a bigreligious and cultural significance in Japan at the time.Obviously Christmas is not the only example of a custom,habit,culture,idea, religion or system from western societies that has established in Japan,it is one among innumerable others. From an international point of view,understanding how Japanese culture is changing in contact with the culturesof other countries and rethinking the position of Japan is an importantacademic mission to be fulfilled by the International Japanese Studies.Thisis what this thesis humbly tried to do.

著者

猪俣 佳瑞美

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 = Journal of international Japanese-studies = 国際日本学論叢 = Journal of international Japanese-studies (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.60 (21)-51 (30), 2015-02-27

---

Analysis of the use of potted plants in different forms of media has shown that potted plants tend to appear in movies featuring children. One of these is the Japanese film Nobody Knows (Daremo Shiranai, 2004), written and directed by Koreeda Hirokazu. In the film, weeds growing in Styrofoam instant noodle containers are taken care of by abandoned children. This analysis of the use of potted plants in Nobody Knows explores the implicational meanings that potted plants connote and the reason why children and potted plants have often been featured together in certain films. Six symbolic meanings emerge around potted plants. First, the weeds represent the children's status of being "abandoned." Second, the seeds represent the children themselves. As weeds disperse seeds and find new places to grow, the children become free by breaking their mother's rules. Third, the shoots of the weeds represent the children's vitality and resilience. Without any kind of lifeline, the children desperately try to survive. Moreover, Styrofoam containers being used as flowerpots represent the fragile nature of the children's lives. As instant noodle containers are made of polystyrene, they are brittle and easily damaged or broken compared with conventional pottery or earthenware flowerpots. Likewise, the children living by themselves, without parental guidance or supervision, are socially weak. In addition, an important point to note is that pots as containers can be considered female symbols because of their similarity to a womb. Flowerpots offer an environment in which things can grow and live, as the womb of a mother does for her fetus. Finally, caring for plants is a metaphor for personal healing: the four siblings in the film have been abandoned by their mother and must live without parental guidance or supervision? especially the younger two, aged three and five. They are not only absorbed in taking care of their weeds; in doing so, they are also demonstrating how they would like to be treated by their mother.

著者

朴 庾卿

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 = Journal of international Japanese-studies = 国際日本学論叢 = Journal of international Japanese-studies (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.27-50, 2011-03-22

---

There is no other animal than cats which have a clear difference in imagebetween Korea and Japan. When we turn to "classical literature" with thefeatures of "oral literature" in mind, we will notice the widening gap betweenthe two countries. In Japan, cats are described from two viewpoints, namely,court culture and popular culture. In the former, cats are taken as elegantpets. In the latter, however, they are supposed to be mysterious, describedas the two-tail "nekomata" or the metamorphic cat on the one hand and theyare familiar animals as symbolized in the beckoning cat on the other. But inKorea, cats are not taken as themselves, they are mainly utilized as icons to"criticize" or "ridicule" according to "mores."Through the comparison, it can be said that the difference in the image ofcats between the two nations derives from the difference in religious andhistorical background.In Japan this image seems to have been fixed duringthe Edo Era, based on the history since the Heian Era. Korea, on the otherhand, was in the background of the Joseon Dynasty Period. Particularly, inJapan, the "personification" and "deification" of developed through the"faddish gods", the pet boom, and the Kabuki featuring cats during the EdoEra. In Korea, during the Joseon Dynasty when Confucianism was theformal religion, absolute significance was placed on "mores" (Confucianvalues). Therefore, the behavior of cats was also put to moral judgment, andcats were chosen as objects of criticism. This seems to have formed thenegative image of cats.

著者

髙野 宜秀

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 = 国際日本学論叢 (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.1-38, 2013-03-08

---

This paper considers the Iwamatsu Tsuneie clan trend by comparing and examining Taiheiki and historical records. In the conventional history, it was the principal axis to research of the capability of the politics and the military affairs of a Nitta Yoshisada individual, the Southern Dynasty, meaning, etc.Moreover, in Nitta clan research in Taiheiki, it was the mainstream to consider Yoshisada's person image which led comparison with other generals. Then, I would like to clarify the Iwamatsu clan image in the view to the Iwamatsu Tsuneie clan of the Tiheiki author, or Taiheiki by performing contrast of Taiheiki and historical records.The ancient documents of houses, etc. are used for historical records. I utilize Taiheiki,the Seigenin-bon made old also in Taiheiki.A prologue shows way return of a previous work, the meaning of its research, a viewpoint, and a measure plan.This paper, I focus on the influential branch, Iwamatsu. Although the lwamatsu were not important figures in Taiheiki, I have considered what kind of activity there actually was using the historical records related to lwamatsu Tsuneie and Iwamatsu Tsunemasa. As a result, although Iwamatsu branch was represented by only one general in Taiheiki, it is shown clearly in fact that two had participated at the level of general class in the Kamakura attack.In the last chapter, I described the result and subject of this paper and the view of future research.

著者

武藤 美枝子

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 = 国際日本学論叢 (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

no.15, pp.122-102, 2018-04-17

---

In November every year, a ritual was held in the imperial court to offer the newly harvested rice to deities. On the last day of the ritual event, a banquet was given by the emperor for courtiers. The highlight of the banquet (Toyoakari-no-sechi-e) was Gosechi-no-mai, which was danced by four (or five) gorgeously dressed young ladies. Courtiers, men and women, all looked forward to this feast. To provide a dancer, however, was a highly costly operation, and therefore, not many aristocrats were willing to undertake the task, thus, royal ladies, too, were sometimes asked to provide a dancer. In the second year of Eien, (or yr. 988), Kotaigo provided a dancer. The word Kotaigo could mean the wife of the former emperor or the empress mother. In the previous papers by three researchers, this Kotaigo was assumed as Junshi, who was the wife of the former emperor En-yu. This paper clarifies that the Kotaigo in 988 cannot be Junshi, but must be Senshi, the Empress Mother. The confusion presumably came from Eiga Monogatari or A Tale of Flowering Fortunes — Annals of Japanese Aristocratic Life in the Heian Period, which reads that Junshi provided a dancer in the year when the 60th birthday of Fujiwara-no-Kaneie was celebrated, i.e, in 988. The descriptions of Junshi providing a dancer in the Tale, however, were too concrete and detailed to be a mere fabrication. Following the descriptions of the Tale, this paper concludes that Junshi did provide a dancer, but it was not in 988 but in 987.

著者

平島 朱美

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 = 国際日本学論叢 (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.13, pp.92-121, 2016-03-07

---

Shishimai is a traditional performing art employing a lion mask. It is explained as a lion dance because shishi means lion and mai means dancing. Shishimai is one of the biggest and the most enjoyable events inJapanese communities. The performers try to make contact with the supernatural world through dancing rhythmically with the mask on. Most shishimai in Japan are performed at Shinto festivals or on the New Year by people in the community and transmitted among them from elders to younger people, while those in some Asian societies are performed at the opening ceremony of a company or on the Lunar New Year by professional groups and transmitted from master to pupil there. Shishimai in Japanese communities are a religious symbol for thepeople there. Shishimai give them hope, satisfaction, power to live, identity and good relationship in a community not only in case of peace but also in case of emergency. Shishimai show people’s decision to form asense of identity and maintain their community.

著者

任 麗

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 = 国際日本学論叢 (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.85-100, 2011-03-22

---

Nowadays Relevant Theory, widely applied in many fields includinganthropology, psychology and linguistics, has greatly influenced theadvancement of human civilization. This thesis analyzes the function of rubywithin the perspective of Relevant Theory.Ruby has not only the function of phonetic transcription but also someother functions within Relevant Theory: 1 explanation, 2 semanticconstriction, 3 deixis, 4 cue of era and settings. Deixis can be furthercategorized into present deixis and recollected deixis.Analyzing ruby is very helpful to understand the content of work from aRelevant Theory perspective. Thus, readers can grasp the intention of thewriter.

著者

阿部 裕行

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.14, pp.1-21, 2017-03-31

著者

髙野 宜秀

出版者

法政大学大学院 国際日本学インスティテュート専攻委員会

雑誌

国際日本学論叢 (ISSN:13491954)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.1-38, 2013-03-08

---

This paper considers the Iwamatsu Tsuneie clan trend by comparing andexamining Taiheiki and historical records. In the conventional history, it wasthe principal axis to research of the capability of the politics and the militaryaffairs of a Nitta Yoshisada individual, the Southern Dynasty, meaning, etc.Moreover, in Nitta clan research in Taiheiki, it was the mainstream toconsider Yoshisada's person image which led comparison with othergenerals. Then, I would like to clarify the Iwamatsu clan image in the view tothe Iwamatsu Tsuneie clan of the Tiheiki author, or Taiheiki by performingcontrast of Taiheiki and historical records.The ancient documents of houses, etc. are used for historical records. Iutilize Taiheiki,the Seigenin-bon made old also in Taiheiki.A prologue shows way return of a previous work, the meaning of itsresearch, a viewpoint, and a measure plan.This paper, I focus on the influential branch, Iwamatsu. Although thelwamatsu were not important figures in Taiheiki, I have considered whatkind of activity there actually was using the historical records related tolwamatsu Tsuneie and Iwamatsu Tsunemasa. As a result, althoughIwamatsu branch was represented by only one general in Taiheiki, it isshown clearly in fact that two had participated at the level of general class inthe Kamakura attack.In the last chapter, I described the result and subject of this paper and theview of future research.