著者
柳橋 博之
出版者
西南アジア研究会
雑誌
西南アジア研究 = Bulletin of the Society for Western and Southern Asiatic Studies, Kyoto University (ISSN:09103708)
巻号頁・発行日
no.90, pp.77-93, 2020

Although several researchers have been interested in the issue of textual variation of hadith, few studies have been undertaken to determine statistically the date and the process of generation of hadith variants. This study seeks to present three initial mathematical models that approximate the processthrough which variantsof the whole hadithsrecorded in al-Bukhārī's Ṣaḥīḥ were generated, under the assumption that many of the recorded hadiths were intentionally or unintentionally (i. e., by error) reformulated once or more with almost the same probability since they first entered circulation. Namely, by counting Bn, i. e., the number of hadith groupsthat comprise n variants, we obtain a sequence (Bn). Notably, (Bn) formsapproximately a geometrical sequence with a common ratio of 0.63. Based on this finding, we can establish a recurrence formula containing two or three parameters that determines the numbersof hadithscompris ing a certain number of variantsat a certain point in time each. By setting these parameters to appropriate values, we can establish two models that closely approximate (Bn).
著者
内記 理
出版者
西南アジア研究会
雑誌
西南アジア研究 = Bulletin of the Society for Western and Southern Asiatic Studies, Kyoto University (ISSN:09103708)
巻号頁・発行日
no.90, pp.20-52, 2020

Kharoṣṭhī letters were used for almost five centuries in North-Western Indian subcontinent, from around the third century BCE until around the third century CE. Paleographical studies of Kharoṣṭhī letters have revealed gradual changes in letter forms over time. However, these letter forms have not always been used as a clue to determine dates of inscriptions, mainly because sometimes relatively old letter forms appear on newer inscriptions. As such, the study of letter forms as a potential indicator for dates has not been sufficiently used to clarify the history of the area. This paper proposes a way to deal with letter forms in order to use them as an indicator for the dates of inscriptions. While the presence or absence of each letter form has been a focus of scholars so far, this paper explores their ratio instead. There are varied forms for three Kharoṣṭhī letters : "s, " "e, " and "c." By counting each form of each letter on a particular inscription, the main form of each letter used on the inscription can be determined. In order to construct the chronology of the Kharoṣṭhī letter forms, inscriptions whose dates can be known are used. By evaluating ones whose authenticity is clear, we can assert that the main forms of these three letters actually changed with time. Furthermore, by analyzing others that have been purchased in modern markets and whose authenticity is unclear, we can suggest when the main forms changed. Through these steps, we can propose a chronology of Kharoṣṭhī letter forms where an inscription is assigned to one of six phases based on the combination of the three letters' main forms. The fact that similar changes in main forms of Kharoṣṭhī letters are also detected in manuscripts can be seen as a corroboration of the above results with inscriptions. We can conclude that Kharoṣṭhī letter forms can be a good indicator for the date of inscriptions, and also possibly manuscripts.
著者
磯貝 健一
出版者
西南アジア研究会
雑誌
西南アジア研究 = Bulletin of the Society for Western and Southern Asiatic Studies, Kyoto University (ISSN:09103708)
巻号頁・発行日
no.89, pp.87-116, 2019-09-30

For Muslims lived inan y part of premodernIslamic world the Islamic law of succession served as a barrier to anattempt to keep family property intact, because it stipulated that equal shares should be given to those who were in equal relationship to deceased. Consequently, those who had an intention to keep the integrity of their inherited property had to have recourse to different ways to achieve their goal. One such way was jointly owning inherited property by heirs, whereas they received appropriate shares of the estate. In this case, if one of the joint owners died, his/her shares were inherited by his/her own heirs including sometimes those who had been outside the co-ownership for their not having the right of succession to the generator of the estate. By consulting the fatwa document which was produced in the early twentieth century Samarqand province of Russian Turkestan, and which records the case concerning the joint ownership of family property, the author offers following conclusions : first, the way of calculating the shares allocated to each one of the joint owners, as shown by the calculating tables attached to the document, completely agrees with the teachings found in al-Farā'id ̇ al-Sirājīya, the twelfth century Hanafite juristic work specially devoted to the law of succession and enjoyed prolonged popularity as a fundamental textbook for learning the method of calculating shares of succession. Second, as presented by similar fatwa documents from Russian Turkestan, through the inheritance of the shares held by deceased joint owners, the membership of co-owners could have been even conferred to the persons who were in relationship to the generator of the estate either through maternal line or by affinity, whereas they were prone to be excluded from or explicitly not entitled to inheritance according to the lslamic law.
著者
キャット アダム
出版者
西南アジア研究会
雑誌
西南アジア研究 = Bulletin of the Society for Western and Southern Asiatic Studies, Kyoto University (ISSN:09103708)
巻号頁・発行日
no.86, pp.16-34, 2017

Ever since the influential proposals of Thieme (1949) and Hoffmann (1969), the root vidh- is commonly thought to have arisen by incorporation of the preverb vi with the root dhā-. vi-dhā- means 'distribute, allocate', and the root vidh- is usually assigned a similar semantic value in more recent dictionaries and translations. Based on a careful analysis of the syntax and semantics of Vedic vidh- and its Old Avestan counterpart vid-, I argue that the root concerned existed already in Proto-Indo-Iranian as a root unrelated to vi-dhā-. This root appears in sacrificial contexts, and its meaning is essentially 'honor, offer', as recognized by older dictionaries. An important result of this study is the finding that the commonly supposed construction for vidh- in which the recipient is placed in the accusative does not appear in the Rgveda. This discovery allows us to clarify some commonly mistranslated passages and misunderstood constructions. A detailed appendix of construction types for vidh- in the Rgveda and Atharvaveda has been included.
著者
久保 一之
出版者
西南アジア研究会
雑誌
西南アジア研究 = Bulletin of the Society for Western and Southern Asiatic Studies, Kyoto University (ISSN:09103708)
巻号頁・発行日
no.85, pp.40-72, 2016

The Japanese translation of Nizām al-mulk's Siyar al-mulūk (or the Book of Government) by Prof. K. Itani and Prof. M. Inaba was published last year. I had participated in their reading club in the past and for the first time recognized the importance of the book in the history of the Irano-Islamic political culture. On this occasion, I focus on the inheritance of the Irano-Islamic political culture in the Timurids conveyed through this book. In Timurid Iran and Central Asia, Nizām al-mulk was a well-known historical figure or legendary vazir, and historians have provided an adequate biography of him based on early literature in their literary works. The famous literary man Husayn Kāšifī knew about the Siyar al-mulūk at least from Ġazālī's Nasīḥat al-mulūk, and the title and the author's name are found at the beginning of the quotation from it in Isfizārī's Rawżāt al-jannāt. Moreover, several stories from the Siyar al-mulūk are found in memoirs by Kāšifī's pupil, Maḥmūd Vāsifī. The attitude of the Timurid rulers toward the religious leaders seems to have been based on Nizām al-mulk's advice. The custom of consensual decision-making with these leaders and other intellectuals, according to Kāšifī, derived from ancient Iran. The more evident form of the Irano-Islamic political culture is the mazālim court; here Nizām al-mulk places emphasis on the rule that the rulers themselves must hold this court. The Mongol rulers and Timūr held the Mongol court, the yarġu court, in the name of (or at the same time) as the mazālim court. Although Timūr's son Šāh-ruḥ is said to have abolished the yarġu system, it survived until the last moment of the Timurid dynasty. During the reign of Timūr's successors, the yarġu court of the rulers was held in the same place as the mazālim court. Initially, this place was called the dīvān-i buzurg and later, simply the dīvān (rarely the dīvān-i a'lā). There the questions of state and finance were discussed and decided, and the official ceremonies were held by the ruler, his eminent liegemen, and the religious leaders.
著者
榊 和良
出版者
西南アジア研究会
雑誌
西南アジア研究 = Bulletin of the Society for Western and Southern Asiatic Studies, Kyoto University (ISSN:09103708)
巻号頁・発行日
no.84, pp.1-23, 2016

The widespread transmission of the Arabic and Persian translations of the Amrtakunda testifies much interest in yogic literature among Sufis. Judging from the descriptions of Islamic writings in and outside India, various yogic practices were practiced by Sufis. The number of religio-philosophical textual studies on the interaction between Sufis and Yogis has been limited thus far. Sir John George Woodroffe introduced tantric scriptures with the help of Bengali pundits; he also witnessed the parallel idea of cakras in the centers of meditation described in the Sufi manual written by Dara Shukoh. According to this manual, they are called spherical heart, cedar heart and lotus heart. Cakra literally means a circle symbolized by a lotus flower and is used to denote a circle of deities or powers of such deities in yogico-tantric traditions. In the context of yogic discipline, cakras are the psychic centres of a body. The numbers and locations of cakras vary in traditions and texts. The most well-known idea of cakras is that of the six cakras which Woodroffe introduced to the pre-modern Western world, and was already known to the Islamic world through the Arabic and Persian translations of the Amrtakunda and related works. Despite of no reference to the three loci of Sufic meditation; however, among the Persian translations of yogico-tantric Sanskrit literatures, these terms denote three granthis which are synonymous with cakras. A Sufi Sharif before Dara Shukoh's time, translated the Gorakṣaśataka and related works, creating these terms that have evolved in certain Sufi circles. We will confine ourselves to investigating the transmission of the concept of cakras and the origin of three centers of meditation in the available Persian translations of Sanskrit yogic literatures. We will also show how Islamic intellectuals understand the idea of cakras and interpreted it in their own context.