著者

チトコ マウゴジャタ カロリナ

出版者

人間文化研究機構 国文学研究資料館

雑誌

第42回 国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF THE 42nd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.42, pp.27-41, 2019-03-28

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What happens to knowledge when we gain access to new information and take into account more variables? The answer is obvious – it updates and it changes. In this presentation, I trace how generations of reception and appropriation of Man’yōshū (759-785), the first extant poetry collection in Japanese, have been affected by the poetic discourse, instability of knowledge and channels through which knowledge is carried, and existence of various manuscripts of Man’yōshū in the early medieval era. I deal with two allegedly rival schools – Rokujō and Mikohidari – and two of their representatives – Fujiwara Kiyosuke (1104-1177) and Fujiwara Shunzei (1114-1204). I examine their Man’yōshū reception strategy by analyzing their poetry criticism (karon). My approach is, however, to see them not only as binaries and rivals, but above all as representing continuous stages in the development of the Japanese poetic tradition.The results of my research lead me to a conclusion that the Mikohidari poets, considered to be specialists on the Heian period tales like Genji monogatari, paid much more attention to Man’yōshū scholarship than it is currently acknowledged. Moreover, I argue that the process of modifying the waka tradition in fact started with Kiyosuke, not with Shunzei. The Mikohidari poets took over this process after Kiyosuke’s death, claimed a big part of the Rokujō tradition, and established themselves as modernizers of the poetic craft. The two poets and schools had thus much more in common than is usually acknowledged but they utilized the idea of their rivalry as a tool in pursuit of their goals – to attract potential patrons and thus gain power through knowledge. The Rokujō-Mikohidari rivalry, being the most definitive frameworks for discussing the two schools, is a result of variability of texts and knowledge owned by the two schools. This implies that the common knowledge about waka or Man’yōshū in the early medieval era was much more indefinite than we currently believe. Such instability was possible due to the existence of the already-established poetic discourse that lay beyond the Rokujō and Mikohidari labels; discourse was a shared space where the circulated knowledge continues to be added, replaced, modified and negotiated. In fact, the fluidity of knowledge enabled the poets to use it to their advantage by various mechanisms of stabilizing their line of knowledge transmission; instability of texts and knowledge gave them power.

著者

梁 蘊嫻

出版者

人間文化研究機構 国文学研究資料館

雑誌

第42回 国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF THE 42nd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.42, pp.81-101, 2019-03-28

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Chinese historical novel The Romance of the three kingdoms (Ming Dynasty-Ruoguanzhong) was spread to Japan in Edo period. The first Japanese translation Tsuzokusangokushi (preface by Konanbunzan) was published in Genroku 2nd year (1689). Ehontsuzokusangokushi (author-Ikedatouri/illustrator-Katsushikahokusai) was published in Tenpō 7th year (1836), and was based on the story of Tsuzokusangokushi with illustrations attached. The illustrations in Ehontsuzokusangokushi were over 400 pieces and the amount were the most of “Sangokushi stories” in Edo period. Until Meiji era, there had been over 30 versions of Ehontsuzokusangokushi, and at that time, the movable-type printing was available, so the relationship among booksellers was changed from cooperation to free competition. In many publications, some were imitations of Hokusai (second generation)’s works, and some were original. Ehontsuzokusangokushi (published by Shimizuichijirou) was an original one. The title page was painted by Taiso Yoshitoshi, the illustrations in books were painted by Kobayashitoshimitsu and Mizunotoshikata. No matter the choices of setting or compositions, these were totally different from Hokusai’s works. Thus, we can see that the publisher wanted to make some differences from the classical and create an original work. In the highly-competitive publishing industry, Shimizuitijirou tried something new, such as using regular subscription for promotion or adopting original illustrations and these ways were fruitful. This study will focus on the Ehontsuzokusangokushi published by Shimizuichijirou and analyze the illustrations from the illustrators a Drawing styles. Also thinking about the meaning that original illustrations bring to classical lecture.

著者

ミギー ディラン

出版者

人間文化研究機構 国文学研究資料館

雑誌

第41回 国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF THE 41st INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.41, pp.68-54, 2018-03-28

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This paper will examine over 34 different varieties of protective covers used by the Daisō lending library throughout the nineteenth century, categorizing them according to pattern. When cross-referenced with the publication dates of the book on which they appear, these covers yield a consistent data set for dating the acquisition of individual books—something that has not been possible previously due to the absence of detailed house records.The Daisō lending library operated for nearly 150 years in castle town of Nagoya and at its height was regarded as the largest commercial lender in all of Japan. While there has been extensive research on the history of the firm, as well as a full bibliographic survey of its extant books, to date very little is known about its day-to-day operations, given the dearth of house records about its acquisition and lending practices. Accordingly, this paper will seek to model a new approach for dating the acquisition of Daisō books, based on a cross-referencing of cover varieties with publication data.The practice of fitting heavily circulating gōkan with protective covers appears to have begun at the Daisō around Bunka 8 (1811), when the first proprietor, Ōnoya Sōhachi I (Tojirō) passed away and was succeeded by his son Seijirō. This practice continued for at least fifty years, with evidence of newly fitted covers dating to Bunkyū 1 (1861) and later. The covers themselves appear to have been intended to minimize wear and tear on the lavishly illustrated gōkan, whose brilliant nishiki-e covers were an object of interest for lending library readers. The covers featured a different design each year, beginning with relatively simple brushstroke designs in the 1810s and 1820s, and progressively moving to more complex abstract (stripes, lattices, and swastikas) and figural patters (seashells, animals, etc.).This paper proposes that the Daisō alternated varieties of protective covers from year to year and fitted them on books that circulated heavily soon after acquisition. By cross-referencing the annual varieties of covers with the publication dates of the books on which they appear, it is possible to estimate the year of acquisition. At the same time, this material enables us to create windows for estimating the production of manuscript books and paratextual materials like ads for Daisō brand medicines and cosmetics.

著者

陳 華栄

出版者

人間文化研究機構 国文学研究資料館

雑誌

第42回 国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF THE 42nd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.42, pp.1-14, 2019-03-28

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"Kajin no Kigu", a famous political novel in the Meiji era of Japan, was translated into Chinese by Liang Qichao in 1898 and had a great influence on China - which had no genre called political novel until then. Hankei, a nobleminded patriot of the "rebelling Qing dynasty and rebuilding Ming dynasty," is an important character in the novel, along with Tokai Sanshi, Youran, and Coren. Tokai Sanshi, the original author and a politician, propagated his political thought through the novel's characters, especially through Hankei. Correspondingly, when politician Liang Qichao translated "Kajin no Kigu," he adapted many parts according to his own political standpoint, and then included many speeches made by Hankei.For instance, in Volume 2 of the original, there is a scene where Hankei and Tokai Sanshi deliberate about "revitalizing Asia strategy". Hankei approves the idea of Tokai Sanshi by stating, "This is a secret plan in my heart, which is exactly the same as what you said." The "revitalize Asia strategy" that Hankei is agreeing to implies a "shift the Qing Dynasty to the East, division of China into three, raising the spirit of competition and prohibiting the poisonous opium, inspiring the vigour of the people of the Qing Dynasty and exhausting the financial resources of English people to rely on military authority to suppressing India – which would begin Asia's revitalization definitely." This is also the idea of Tokai Sanshi. Liang Qichao translated this as "Between Heaven and Earth, China has jurisdiction over more than four hundred continents - it's certainly a great country in the Universe. Just because politics and diplomacy are not well governed, it leads to periodic setbacks, insults, and failure in revitalizing ourselves. If we can ban the poisonous opium, and inspire the national spirit, it would definitely be the fundamental strategy to revitalize Asia."The common point of the "Kajin no Kigu" research is that it was accompanied by a series of consecutive warfare in Japan during the Sino-Japanese War of 1895. The theme and political position of the novel was also changed from Volume 10. However, as shown in the above example, it is also important to consider the socio-political context of Hankei, the speeches made by him, and the fact that Liang Qichao, like Sanshi, exploited Hankei's political thought - through his translation – to further his own beliefs. That being said, I believe that is it imperative to research it. In this research, I would use the speeches made by Hankei and Qichao's translation of those speeches to analyse the deliberate creation of Hankei's character(to further the writer's philosophy), and the way that Qichao then similarly draws upon Hankei's political theory in his translation.

著者

GERLINI Edoardo

出版者

人間文化研究機構 国文学研究資料館

雑誌

第43回 国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF THE 43rd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.129-150, 2020-03-26

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The word “Classics (koten)”, invented in the modern period, is often used to indicate the “culture of the past” in contrast with the concept of “modernity”. This use of the word koten reinforces the wrong idea that “things of the past”, being substantially unrelated with the present, are in practice useless to the understanding of issues affecting modern societies. This misunderstanding is probably the main reason leading to the so-called “crisis of the classics” in the last decades.   On the other hand, social processes like the use, re-creation and valorization of the culture of the past in the present have led to the birth and thriving growth of the new academic field of “heritage studies” (Laurajane Smith 2006). Drawing on this new approach, which considers the “things of the past” as a tool to tie past cultures to present identities, I argue that rethinking “classical literature” as a form of “textual heritage” can offer new insights into the debate about the “crisis of classics” today.   To negotiate present identities through dialogue with the past is not necessarily a modern conception, but it is something that always happened in every age (David Harvey 2001, 2008). In the case of Japanese Classical Literature of the Heian period, authors always produced texts―of which literary works were but a subset―through the reading and quoting of past masterpieces, in both direct and indirect manners. But how was the idea of the past shaped in the writing of Heian poets who inherited and reused style and contents from Man’yōshū or the Wenxuan, and how did this intertextuality lead to the creation of a present identity in contrast or continuity with the past?  In today’s presentation I will draw on the idea of “textual reenactment” (Wiebke Denecke 2004) to identify into the text of kanshi and waka collections’ prefaces of Nara and early Heian a specific discursive construction about the past, similar to processes of “heritagization” theorized by scholars of heritage. This paper is also intended as a mid-term result of the three years’ fellowship I briefly anticipated during the 42nd International Conference on Japanese Literature in 2018.

著者

BUGNE Magali

出版者

人間文化研究機構 国文学研究資料館

雑誌

第43回 国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF THE 43rd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.33-44, 2020-03-26

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Noh is often composed of a variety of texts, such as quotations taken from literacy sources, waka insertions or even parts of Buddhist scriptures. While the complex intertextuality in the lyrics of a noh play shows the diversity of the medieval literary world, it may also render the meaning of the lyrics unintelligible.   Zeami was the first medieval actor to discuss the complex structure of a noh play. Some of this teaching was passed down through secret treatises to his son-inlaw, Konparu Zenchiku (1405-1470?), during the Muromachi era. While Zenchiku inherited the fukushiki-nô (noh in two parts) created by Zeami―a style of play that distances itself from the realistic timeline commonly used in dialogue-centric theater in the early 14th century―he didn’t consider the physical theory of Zeami’s art. In addition, diverging from the literary norms established by Zeami, Zenchiku created plays that are often evaluated as ambiguous due to the fact that the texts inserted into them appear to have been quoted out of context. How did Zenchiku receive and adapt Zeami’s teachings? How did the transition from imitation of the master’s thoughts to the process of art creation happen in noh theater during the Muromachi era?   In order to solve this problem, this presentation considers the multiplicity and diversity of medieval playwrights through the concept of “intertextuality”. More specifically, we will analyze the interrelationships (citations, metaphors, waka insertions, rewritings, etc.) between the playwrights Zeami and Zenchiku. By doing this we hope to look through a new lens at Zenchiku’s work.

著者

馬 如慧

出版者

人間文化研究機構 国文学研究資料館

雑誌

第43回 国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF THE 43rd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.17-32, 2020-03-26

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When we talk about the word “azayaka” in modern Japan, we always take it as a word describing flowers or clothes which are colorful and brilliant. On the other hand, we also use “azayaka” to describe skills or techniques which are remarkable. Nevertheless, usually, we don’t use this word to describe someone’s personality. In Japanese premodern literatures, we could also find the word “azayaka” being used very limitedly, only to describe clothes or utensils which were extremely gorgeous, until The Tale of Genji came into the world. The usages of “azayaka” changed a lot in the wake of this tale, mainly reflected in being used to describe someone’s nature and the emergence of the verb “azayagu”. In The Tale of Genji, the word “azayaka” is used 37 times (including “azayagu”) , in which we can find it used on 20 occasions to describe various characters, 16 of which refer not only to their appearances but also their personalities. And what’s more, when it comes to describing characters’ personalities in the tale, “azayaka” was always used to describe male characters, especially Tō no Chūjō, Yūgiri, and Higekuro. On the other hand, Tō no Chūjō, Yūgiri, and Higekuro were also described as “wowoshi” (masculine), and in that case, we can find “azayaka” being used very close to “wowoshi” for 4 times. Therefore, maybe we can assume that “azayaka” was used as a word representing masculinity. However, when it comes to the Uji chapters, “azayaka” started to be used to describe female characters, but it was only limited to Yūgiri’s daughter Rokunokimi, and Higekuro’s daughter Ōigimi, from which we can see the similarity of father and daughter in the story. Yet, in monogatari tales after The Tale of Genji, “azayaka” was more likely to be used when describing female characters. The meaning of the word “azayaka” has changed a lot since The Tale of Genji, which apparently had a bearing on the character modeling, but nothing of that has been researched yet. In this presentation, I would like to explore the relationship between the changing meanings of “azayaka” and the character modeling in The Tale of Genji, and the influence of this on the tales after The Tale of Genji.

著者

KOMOVA Ekaterina

出版者

人間文化研究機構 国文学研究資料館

雑誌

第43回 国際日本文学研究集会会議録 = PROCEEDINGS OF THE 43rd INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON JAPANESE LITERATURE (ISSN:03877280)

巻号頁・発行日

no.43, pp.1-16, 2020-03-26

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Frequently cited as the world’s first psychological novel, Genji monogatari (c. 1008) has been widely praised for its uncanny ability to relate its characters’ emotions in so real a manner so as to stir the audience’s feelings as if the experiences were their own―and yet, virtually no studies have hitherto touched upon this subject at length. The presentation in question seeks to explore the manner in which the text produces affective reactions in both its characters and readers and fosters emotional communities between them, focusing on the death scenes of Yûgao and Lady Murasaki in particular. Generally-speaking, “affect” denotes the emotional, psychological or even physical response of a group of individuals such as readers, listeners or participants to a highly emotional situation, stimulus or work; “affect studies” examines the various ways that this emotional response is expressed and communicated within a specific community. A group of individuals that shares a set of similar emotional responses due to their common values or preferences in turn forms an “emotional community.” The death scenes in Genji monogatari provide an especially fertile ground for this type of analysis considering that they rarely center around the deaths themselves, and focus instead on their effect on the surrounding characters and the overall narrative development, often with the use of highly specific language and imagery. The following presentation will examine the way in which the Genji narrative constructs its emotional scenes―namely those dealing with the deaths of Yûgao and Lady Murasaki―through the use of language, poetry, landscape, and narrative in order to create situations in which its characters and its readers respond in highly emotional ways. I believe that Genji’s innovative incorporation of poetic diction (kago) and citations (hikiuta) into prose had the effect of increasing the affective impact of the prose and expanding the associative scope of the poetry (waka). As such, I hope to analyze the relationship between the use of particular types of poetic and seasonal imagery in Genji and their capacity to elicit specific types of affective responses.