著者

井原 今朝男

出版者

国立歴史民俗博物館

雑誌

国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.157, pp.213-247, 2010-03

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本稿は、前近代の触穢と精進法のあり方を通じて、前近代の呪術・信仰が生業・技術や権力の動き・さらには民衆生活をどのように規制していたのかについて検討し、これまでの通説であるケガレ観念の国家的管理論や、天皇・禁裏や伊勢神宮は神聖な空間が維持され、穢多・清目・河原者には「服忌によっても禊祓によっても払拭できない穢」が集中したとする見解を実証面から批判したものである。本稿では、室町期の内裏では禁中触穢が繰り返され、天皇は四方拝や毎日拝を神事でないことを理由に穢のときでも公事として実施していた史実を指摘した。系譜上の父母である上皇・国母が死去した際には、倚廬とよぶ粗末な庵をつくり十四日間忌みこもりを行なっており、禊ぎと祓えによって死穢をキヨメる呪術的儀礼であったことをあきらかにした。ここから中世天皇や禁中が穢れと浄の混在する世界であったことを指摘した。第二に、伊勢神宮の最初の服忌令とされる「文保記」の史料検討を行い、東海地方の神官や民衆が触穢に対処する精進法の個別事例集としての性格をもっていたことを指摘し、在地の民衆知では生業を優先的に営むために、物忌みや禁忌の期間を短縮し、「斃牛馬を掃除の人、穢の限以後、別憚り無き也」との規定を作り出し、被差別民に対しても穢れは消滅するもの・払拭できるものという社会思潮を有していたことをあきらかにした。第三に、鎌倉末から南北朝期の東海地方の下層民衆は、死人の葬儀を忌避し「触穢を遁れるため」に「野棄」や「速懸」と呼ばれた死体遺棄という独自な埋葬方法を実施した。それは中世社会において「死去の不審」があったため、生きかえることを期待した民衆の行動であり、野棄・速懸は下層民衆独自の合理的な知の体系性をもった民衆知であったことを指摘した。中世天皇や禁裏は、触穢思想の枠内において機能していたが、地方の民衆知は、触穢思想を相対化し、生き抜くための生業活動を優先させていたことを指摘した。This article looks at how magic and religion in the pre-modern age regulated occupations and technology, moves of authority, and moreover, common people's lives through the ways in which shokue, touching impurity, and shojin-ho existed during that period. Then, from a demonstrative point of view, it criticizes the generally accepted theory of government control over the impurity conception and the view whereby sacred space was maintained for emperors, the imperial palace and the Ise Shrine and eta, kiyome and kawaramono built up "impurities that could not be eradicated even through bukki, mourning or misogiharae, a form of Shinto purification." In this article, I have pointed out historical evidence that shokue repeatedly occurred at the imperial palace in the Muromachi Period and that emperors carried out shiho-hai, Prayer to the Four Quarters (a Japanese imperial New Year's ceremony) and mainichi-hai, everyday prayer, as political operations even when they were impure under the excuse that these were not Shinto rituals. Whenever a joko ( a retired emperor) or kokubo ( an empress dowager) , the genealogical father or mother, passed away, a humble hermitage called Iro was made to retreat in mourning for fourteen days. I reveal that this was a magic ritual designed to lustrate the impurity of death through misogi and harae, forms of Shinto purification. As such, I have pointed out that the medieval emperors and their palace were in a world where impurity and purity co-existed.Secondly, I have examined the historical papers of "Bunpo-ki," which is regarded as the first bukki ordinance by the Ise Shrine, and point out that this was a collection of individual shojin-ho cases on how Shinto priests and common people in the Tokai area dealt with shokue. I have unfolded that through folk wisdom in the area in order to carry on occupations on a preferential basis, periods of monoimi, fasting, and kinki, taboo, were reduced, and an order that "a person who cleans dead cows and horses must not hesitate after the period of impurity" created, Additionally, social thought existed that the impurities of discriminated people could also be dissolved and eradicated.Thirdly, lower class people in the Tokai area between the end of the Kamakura Period and the Northern and Southern Courts Period recused themselves from funerals of dead people, and carried out a unique way of burying by abandoning a corpse called "nosute" and "hayagake" "in a bid to avoid shokue." This was because of "suspicion of death" in medieval society and people took this action in the hope of resurrection. I have pointed out that nosute and hayagake were folk wisdom of the lower classes based on a rational intellectual system.I have indicated that while medieval emperors and their palaces functioned within the frame of the shokue principle, regional folk wisdom made the shokue principle relative and prioritized occupations activities for survival.