著者
樋口 雄彦
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.108, pp.203-225, 2003-10

明治維新後、禄を失い生計の道を絶たれ窮乏化を余儀なくされた士族によって各地で入植・開墾が行われた。わずか七十万石に圧縮された静岡藩では、膨大な数の旧旗本・御家人を無禄移住という形で受け入れたため、立藩当初から家臣団の土着が進められ、荒蕪地の開墾が奨励された。廃藩後は県による支援も行われ、士族授産事業が推進された。しかし、同時期、藩や県からの経済的援助を受けることなく、独力で茶園の開拓に取り組んだ少数の旧幕臣グループがいた。赤松則良・林洞海・渡部温・藤沢次謙・矢田堀鴻らである。矢田堀・赤松は長崎海軍伝習所出身の幕府海軍幹部・エリート士官、林は佐倉順天堂ゆかりの蘭方医、渡部は開成所で教鞭をとった英学者、藤沢は蘭学一家桂川家に生まれた幕府陸軍の幹部であったが、いずれも静岡藩では沼津兵学校や沼津病院に職を奉じていた。藩の公職に就いた彼らには、無禄移住者とは違い、「食うため」には困らないだけの十分な俸給が与えられたのであるが、明治二年(一八六九)以降遠州での開拓・茶園経営に、あえて自らの資産を投入した。洋学知識や洋行経験を有していた彼らは、土質や害虫を研究し、先進地の製茶法を導入したり、アメリカへの直輸出を図ったりと、科学や情報によって地場産業を改良する役割を果たした。しかし、その行動は、苦しい藩財政を助けたり、国益を目指したりといった「公」を意識した動機のみによるものではなく、むしろ個人の営利・蓄財を目的とした私的経済活動としての側面が大きかった。廃藩に前後して上京、優れた能力を買われ一旦は明治政府に出仕した彼らであるが、遠州の茶園はそのまま維持された。海軍中将・男爵となった赤松は退役後には遠州に隠棲し、明治初年以来の念願だった田園生活を楽しむ。茶園開拓をめぐる赤松らの言動からは、官にあるか野にあるかを問わず、「一身独立」を率先実行した近代的人間像が見えてくる。Sliding towards poverty from the loss of stipends and livelihood following the Meiji Resoration, shizoku (former samurai) became involved in land settlement and reclamation projects around the countury. Shizuoka Domain, which had been reduced to a mere 70,000 koku, absorbed vast numbers of former hatamoto and gokenin relocated to the area without remuneration. From the domain's inception in 1868 (Meiji 1), the indigenization of retainer bands moved quickly as shizoku were encouraged to cultivate unopened lands. Following the domain's replacement by Shizuoka Prefecture, the prefecture continued to lend support to programs that encouraged shizoku businesses.At the same time that the domain, then prefecture, were lending support to shizoku, a small group of former Bakufu retainers began to cultivate tea independently without economic support from either government. Its members included Akamatsu Noriyoshi, Hayashi Dokai, Watanabe On, Fujisawa Tsuguyoshi, and Yatabori Ko. Yatabori and Akamatsu were both elite officers, products of the Nagasaki naval training center who had held executive positions in the Bakufu navy. Hayashi was a Dutch-medicine doctor with ties to the Juntendo in Sakura, while Watanabe was an England Studies scholar who taught at the Kaiseisho. Fujisawa was born to the Katsuragawa family of Dutch Studies scholars and had held an executive post in the Bakufu army. Each held positions in Shizuoka at either the domain's military academy or its hospital in Numazu. With official posts in the domain government, they differed from the unremunerated relocates and had incomes sufficient to "feed themselves." Still, beginning in 1869 (Meiji 2) they began to cultivate tea as a business in the Totomi region using only their own funds.With their knowledge and experience of the West, they studied soil and vermin, implemented the latest techniques of tea cultivation, and attempted direct export to America. With the science and information they brought to their business, they contributed significantly to the improvement of local industry. Yet, while their actions did aid the finances of a troubled domain and contributed to the benefit of the,nation, they were not exclusively motivated by "public" consciousness. Indeed, their activities were in large part private economic activities aimed at individual gain and wealth.Following the domain's dissolution they relocated to the capital where their outstanding talents were put to use in the service of the Meiji government. They continued to operate their tea plantation in Totomi, however. Following his retirement to the area, vice-admiral and baron Akamatsu pursued his early Meiji hope of enjoying life in the country. Whether in office or the countryside, the actions taken by Akamatsu and the others in the cultivation of tea cast an image of modern individuals at the forefront of "self-reliance".
著者
鯨井 千佐登
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.174, pp.145-182, 2012-03

日本中世・近世「賤民」の権利のなかでも、①斃牛馬の皮を剥いで取得する権利、②埋葬する死体の衣類を剥いで取得する権利、③「癩者」の身柄を引き取る権利がとくに注目される。中世史家の三浦圭一は「牛馬にとって衣裳にあたるのが皮革に他ならない」とのべて、①と②を「同じレベル」で見ようとした。横井清も「皮を剥いでそれを取得することと死体の衣類を受け取ることが無縁なものとは私も思えない」といい、「身に付けている表皮を剥ぎとる権利と行為」をどのように考えるべきかという問題を提起している。一方、③は中世的な権利で、引き取られた「癩者」は「賤民」集団の一員となった。「癩」は「表皮」に症状のあらわれる皮膚の病であるから、③も含めて、「賤民」の権利は身を覆っている「表皮」にかかわるものとして一括して把握すべきかもしれない。こうした斃牛馬や死体の「身に付けている表皮を剥ぎとる権利」や「癩者」に対する監督権の宗教的源泉が、古くは境界の神にあると信じられていた可能性が高い。境界の神とは地境などに祀られていた神々のことで、「賤民」の信仰対象でもあった。本稿の課題は、そうした境界の神の本来の姿を見極めることである。本稿では、古くは境界の神に対する信仰が母子神信仰、とくに胎内神=御子神への信仰を骨子としていたことや、境界の神が月神としての性格を備え、人間の身の皮や獣皮、衣類、片袖を剥いで取得すると信じられていたこと、それゆえ境界の神に獣皮や衣類、片袖を捧げる習俗が生まれたこと、境界の神が皮膚の病の平癒という心願をかなえるだけでなく、それを発症させるとも信じられていたことなどを推定した。つまり、境界の神と「身に付けている表皮」との密接な関係を推定し、また、「賤民」の有した境界の神の代理人としての性格の検証という今後の課題を提示した。Among the rights of "senmin" in medieval and early modern Japan, the following three attract special attention: (1) the right to strip and obtain the skins of dead oxen and horses, (2) the right to strip and obtain the clothes of corpses to be buried, and (3) the right to take "lepers" along. The medieval historian Keiichi Miura said "the skins of oxen and horses were regarded as clothes" and treated ( 1) and ( 2) on the "same level." Kiyoshi Yokoi also said "I do not believe that stripping and obtaining the skins is unrelated to receiving the clothes of corpses" and raised the issue of how to consider "the right and behavior of stripping worn superficial skins." On the other hand, (3) was a medieval right, and the "lepers" taken along became a member of the group of "senmin." Because "leprosy" is a skin disease that causes symptoms on "superficial skins," the rights of "senmin" might have to be understood as related to all the "worn superficial skins" including ( 3) .It is very likely that the religious sources of the "right to strip worn superficial skins" of dead oxen, horses, and human bodies, and the right of supervision of "lepers" were believed to be in the gods of the boundaries in ancient times. The gods of the boundaries were worshipped in the boundaries of lands and also believed in by "senmin." This article attempts to ascertain the original figure of the gods of the boundaries.This article presumes the following: in ancient times, the belief in the gods of the boundaries was based on that in the mother-child gods, especially the belief in the fetal or child god; the gods of the boundaries had the character of moon gods and were believed to strip and obtain human skins, animal skins, clothes, and single sleeves; based on such belief, the custom of offering animal skins, clothes, and single sleeves to the gods of the boundaries was started; it was believed that the gods of the boundaries not only healed skin diseases but also caused them. In other words, this article presumes a close relationship between the gods of the boundaries and "worn superficial skins" and presents the future task of verifying the character of "senmin" as agents for the gods of the boundaries.
著者
樋口 雄彦
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.109, pp.47-93, 2004-03

維新後、旧幕臣は、徳川家に従い静岡へ移住するか、新政府に仕え朝臣となるか、帰農・帰商するかという選択を迫られた。一方、脱走・抗戦という第四の選択肢を選んだ者もいた。箱館五稜郭で官軍に降伏するまで戦った彼らの中には、洋学系の人材が豊富に含まれていた。榎本武揚ら幹部数名を除き、大多数の箱館戦争降伏人は明治三年(一八七〇)までには謹慎処分を解かれ、静岡藩に帰参する。一部の有能な降伏人は静岡・沼津の藩校等に採用されたが、「人減らし」を余儀なくされていた藩の内情では、ほとんどの者は一代限りの藩士身分と三人扶持という最低の扶持米を保障されることが精一杯であった。勝海舟は、箱館降伏人のうち優れた人物を選び、明治政府へ出仕させたり、他藩へ派遣したりといった方法で、藩外で活用しようとした。降伏人が他藩の教育・軍事の指導者として派遣された事例として、和歌山・津山・名古屋・福井等の諸藩への「御貸人」が知られる。なお、御貸人には、帰参した降伏人を静岡藩が直接派遣した場合と、諸藩に預けられ謹慎生活を送っていた降伏人がそのまま現地で採用された場合とがあった。一方、剣客・志士的資質を有した降伏人の中には、敵として戦った鹿児島藩に率先遊学し、同藩の質実剛健な士風に感化され、静岡藩で新たな教育機関の設立を発起する動きも現れた。人見寧が静岡に設立した集学所がそれで、士風刷新を目指し、文武両道を教えるとともに、他藩士との交遊も重視した。鹿児島藩遊学とそれがもたらした集学所は、藩内と藩内外での横の交流や自己修養を意図したものであり、洋学を通じ藩や国家に役立つ人材を下から上へ吸い上げるべく創られた静岡学問所・沼津兵学校とは全く違う意義をもつものだった。After the restoration of Emperor Meiji, vassals of the former Bakufu were faced with the option of moving to Shizuoka with the Tokugawa family, becoming court nobles who entered the service of the new government, or returning to farming or commerce. There were also those who chose the fourth option of escaping and taking part in the resistane. Many of the vassals who fought at the Goryokaku in Hakodate until they surrendered to the government forces had undertaken Western studies. With the exception of Enomoto Takeaki and several other high-ranking officials, most of the men who surrendered during the Battle of Hakodate were able to avoid confinement and returned to the Shizuoka feudal domain before 1870. Some of the competent among them were employed by domain schools in Shizuoka and Numazu. However, the situation inside the Shizuoka domain was such that they were forced to "reduce numbers" as the domain was finding it difficult enough to guarantee a minimum rice allowance so that in most cases the status of warrior was restricted to one generation and the allowance covered just three persons.Katsu Kaishu sought to make use of vassals outside of the domain and adopted a method whereby he selected the most talented among those who had surrendered at Hakodate and either sent them to serve under the Meiji government or dispatched them to other feudal domains. Examples of these men who were dispatched to other domains to provide instruction in education and military affairs are to be found in the well-known "Okashinin", or "loaned persons" who went to work in the various domains, including Wakayama, Tsuyama, Nagoya and Fukui. These Okashinin took up their new roles by either one of two methods: they were either sent to domains directly by the Shizuoka domain upon their return home, or they had been sent to the various domains to serve their period of confinement and were subsequently employed locally.Some of the vassals who surrendered that were skilled at sword fighting and very patriotic were the first to be sent to study under the Kagoshima domain, who had been their enemy in battle, where they came under the influence of the Kagoshima domain's simple and robust warrior spirit. This also motivated the establishment of new educational institutions within the Shizuoka feudal domain. One of these was the Shugakujo established in Shizuoka by Hitomi Yasushi, which aimed to enforce discipline among warriors and to provide education based on learning and martial arts, and also attached great importance to conducting exchanges with warriors from other domains. The intention behind sending these vassals to study in the Kagoshima domain and the Shugakujo that were established as a result, was the promotion of horizontal interaction within the domain and between the domain and outside, as well as self-cultivation. As such, their significance is totally different from that of the Shizuoka Gakumonjo and the Numazu Military Academy, which were established for the purpose of raising people through the ranks to serve the domain or the state by means of Western studies.
著者
義江 明子
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
no.41, pp.p35-65, 1992-03

日本の伝統的「家」は、一筋の継承ラインにそう永続性を第一義とし、血縁のつながりを必ずしも重視しない。また、非血縁の従属者も「家の子」として包摂される。こうした「家」の非血縁原理は、古代の氏、及び氏形成の基盤となった共同体の構成原理にまでその淵源をたどることができる。古代には「祖の子」(OyanoKo)という非血縁の「オヤ―コ」(Oya-Ko)観念が広く存在し、血縁の親子関係はそれと区別して敢えて「生の子」(UminoKo)といわれた。七世紀末までは、両者はそれぞれ異なる類型の系譜に表されている。氏は、本来、「祖の子」の観念を骨格とする非出自集団である。「祖の子」の「祖」(Oya)は集団の統合の象徴である英雄的首長(始祖)、「子」(Ko)は成員(氏人)を意味し、代々の首長(氏上)は血縁関係と関わりなく前首長の「子」とみなされ、儀礼を通じて霊力(集団を統合する力)を始祖と一体化した前首長から更新=継承した。一方の「生の子」は、親子関係の連鎖による双方的親族関係を表すだけで、集団の構成原理とはなっていない。八~九世紀以降、氏の出自集団化に伴って、二つの類型の系譜は次第に一つに重ね合わされ父系の出自系譜が成立していく。しかし、集団の構成員全体が統率者(Oya)のもとに「子」(Ko)として包摂されるというあり方は、氏の中から形成された「家」の構成原理の中にも受け継がれていった。「家の御先祖様」は、生物的血縁関係ではなく家筋観念にそって、「家」を起こした初代のみ、あるいは代々の当主夫妻が集合的に祀られ、田の神=山の神とも融合する。その底流には、出自原理以前の、地域(共同体)に根ざした融合的祖霊観が一貫して生き続けていたのである。現在、家筋観念の急速な消滅によって、旧来の祖先祭祀は大きく揺らぎはじめている。基層に存在した血縁観念の希薄さにもう一度目を据え、血縁を超える共同性として再生することによって、「家」の枠組みにとらわれない新たな祖先祭祀のあり方もみえてくるのではないだろうか。The first axiom of the traditional Japanese "Ie" (family) is the continuity of a successive line, and blood relationship is not necessarily regarded as important. A subordinate not related by blood is included in the family as "Ie-no-Ko" (child in family). The origin of the principle of non-blood relationship in the "Ie" traces back to the ancient Uji (Clan) and structural principles of the community on which was based the formation of the Uji. In ancient times, there extensively existed the concept of Oya-noko (child in lineage) in a non-blood parent-child relationship. A child related by blood was distinguished from the above, and was called "Umi-no-Ko" (child of birth). Before the end of the 7th century, each was described in different types of genealogy. Uji was originally a non-descent group, based on the concept of "Oya-no-Ko". The "Oya" of the "Oya-no-Ko" indicated the heroic chief (ancestor), who was the symbol of the unification of the group; the "Ko" indicated a member of the group (Ujibito). Successive chiefs (Uji-no-kami) were considered as "Ko" of the previous chief, regardless of their blood relationship. Through a ceremony they renewed, that is, succeeded to, their spiritual power (the power to unify the group) from the previous chief, who was incorporated into the ancestors. "Umi-no-Ko", on the other hand, only indicated a bilateral kinrelationship in the chain of parent-child relationships, and wat the not structural principle of the group.After the 8th or 9th century, the two types of genealogies gradually overlapped to establish a paternal genealogy, along with the transition of the "Uji" into a descent group. However, the inclusion of all group members as "Ko" under the control of the leader (Oya) was continued to the structural principle of the "Ie", which was derived from the "Uji". The "family ancestors", meaning either only the first generation who established the "Ie", or successive chiefs and their wives, are worshiped in line with the concept of the family line, not the biological blood relationship, and they are fused with Ta-no-Kami (God of the rice fields) = Yame-no-Kami (God of the mountains). Underlying this is a consistent view of the inpersonalized ancestors rooted in unity in the region (community), which existed before the appearance of the principle of kin. These days, due to the rapid disappearance of the concept of family lineage, the foundation of conventional ancestral worship are being rocked. By reviewing the underlying concept of the weakness of the blood relationship, and by regenerating it as a sense of community over and above the blood relationship, there may be found a new way of ancestral worship free from the framework of the "Ie".
著者
小池 淳一
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.174, pp.133-144, 2012-03

本稿では目をめぐる民俗事象を取り上げ、感覚の民俗研究の端緒とするとともに、兆・応・禁・呪といった俗信の基盤として考察した。まず最初に、柳田國男の一目小僧論を検討し、さらにその範疇に入らない年中行事における目の力に対する伝承を指摘した。次いで片目の魚の伝承や縁起物のダルマに着目し、片方の目しかない状態を移行や変化の表現としてとらえるべきであることを確認した。さらに左の目を重視する説話的な伝承が確認できること、また片目というのは禁忌の表現でもあることを見出した。最後に「見る」という行為から構成される民俗について、特に「国見」、「岡見」、市川團十郎における「にらみ」、「月見」などを取り上げて分析した。その結果、従来は「見る」行為には鎮魂の意義があるとされてきたが、さらにその内容を詳細に検討する必要があることが判明した。今後はさらに多くの「見る」民俗を分析するとともに五官に関わる民俗を総合的に検討することを目指したい。This article deals with folkloric events over the eye, marking the start of the study of folklore of the senses, which are studied as the basis of folk beliefs e.g. in the form of omens, knowledge, taboos and Magic. The article first examines the theory of the Hitotsume-kozo (one-eyed boy) of Kunio Yanagita and also indicates traditions for the power of the eye in annual events outside the above categories. Subsequently, it focuses on the tradition of the oneeyed fish and daruma dolls as auspicious and confirms that a one-eyed status should be understood as an expression of transition and transformation. Furthermore, it indicates a narrative tradition that prioritizes the left eye and finds that one-eye is also a taboo expression. Finally, this article analyzes the folklore composed of the actions of "seeing" by dealing, especially with "kunimi," "okami," "nirami ( glare) " in Ichikawa Danjuro, "tsukimi ( moon viewing) ," etc. As a result, the need for further detailed examination of the contents is clarified, although actions of "seeing" were conventionally thought to mean soothing someone's soul. In future, the author of this article would like to analyze more "seeing" folklore and comprehensively examine the folklore of five senses.
著者
松村 和歌子
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.142, pp.157-191[含 英語文要旨], 2008-03

春日社の宗教的分野での研究は、祭礼に集中しがちだが、祈祷や祓といった日常的な宗教活動こそ、宗教者と社会との関わりを考える上でむしろ重要だと考えられる。近年、春日社の下級祀官である神人が中世後期から灯籠奉納や祈祷などを通じ、日常から御師として崇敬者と深い関係を築いたことが明らかにされているが、こういった師壇関係の形成は、上級祀官である社司を嚆矢とし、その開始は、少なくとも平安時代末に遡る。本論考は、社司を中心に中世の春日社祀官の私的な祈祷への関わりなど、日常的な宗教者としての営みを出来るだけ具体的に論述しようとしたものである。❶章社司における御師活動の萌芽、❷章社司の御師活動の展開では、平安末から貴族の参拝・奉幣の際、社司が中執持ちとして祝詞奏上を行うようになり、日常から師檀関係を結ぶこと、同時期に宗教者として個性的な役割を果たす社司が現れ、その活躍は霊験譚にも描かれることを示した。また霊験譚自体が社司によって創り出され、記録や社記の注進等を通じて広められた場合があったことを述べた。鎌倉時代以降には、貴族の御師として重要度が更に増し、社司の任官を左右する場合もあったこと、貴族の邸内社の祭祀等その活動は、社外にも及んだことを示した。またこの動向は、他の有力神社にも共通する傾向であることにも触れた。❸章御師活動と奉幣の近世への展開では、社司の御師としての活動が近世に継続される一方、神人の御師としての活躍が中世初期に遡るであろうことを示した。さらに奉幣が、御幣またおはけ戴きとして、近世にもつながる信仰のあり方であった可能性を述べた。❹章宮廻と度数詣、❺章南円堂勤仕から南円堂講へでは、中世末に春日社で度数祓が祈祷として定着する以前、春日社諸社を廻る宮廻と本社・若宮を往還する度数詣がポピュラーかつ重要な信仰のあり方で、代勤という形で祈祷ともなり、近世にも継続したことを示した。また、春日社祀官により行なわれた南円堂勤仕は、南円堂・春日社を往還する度数詣、興福寺境内を含む宮廻、奉幣祝詞などを内容とするもので、春日講に先行する春日祀官の講的結縁として重要であること、また願主を得て行なわれ、祈祷ともなったことなどを紹介した。Religious studies research on Kasuga Shrine has tended to focus on ceremonies and rites. However, everyday religious activities such as prayer and purification rituals are important when considering relations between priests and society.It has recently come to light that from the latter part of the Middle Ages, lower ranking priests of Kasuga Shrine called "jinin" established strong relationships through the offering of lanterns and prayers with worshippers who served as "oshi". The formation of this relationship between priests and lay people began with higherranking priests called shashi and dates back at least to the end of the Heian period. This paper describes in as much detail as possible the activities of everyday worshippers through their relationship with the personal prayers of Kasuga Shrine priests, primarily shashi, in the Middle Ages.The first two chapters discuss the emergence and development of oshi activities in connection with shashi. From the end of the Heian period, a shashi would recite prayers as an intermediary when members of the nobility worshipped or made offerings. This established a relationship between priests and lay people and at the same time there emerged shashi who began to fulfill distinctive roles as priests. Their activities are also described in "Reikentan" (miraculous tales). "Reikentan" were also produced by shashi and in some cases they became widely known through reports in written records and shrine chronicles.From the time of the Kamakura period onward, the importance of nobles as oshi increased and there were even cases where they had an influence on the appointment of shashi. Their activities extended beyond the shrine, as they sometimes officiated in small shrines situated in the compounds of noble persons. A similar trend also existed in other major shrines.The third chapter examines the development of activities and offerings by oshi in the Early Modern period. While the involvement of shashi in oshi activities continued during the Early Modern period, the involvement of jinin in oshi activities most probably went back as far as the early part of the Middle Ages. The chapter also discusses the possibility that offerings made in the form of "gohei" or "ohake" were part of a religious practice that can be linked to the Early Modern period as well.The fourth chapter looks at visits to other shrines and frequent visits to Kasuga shrine and the fifth chapter discusses officiating in Nanendo through to giving recitations in Nanendo. Before frequent purification rituals became established as prayers at Kasuga Shrine at the end of the Middle Ages, it was popular to make frequent visits to shrines belonging to Kasuga Shrine and to make return trips between the main shrine and minor shrines. Moreover, this became an important religious practice and also became a form of prayer which continued into the Early Modern period.When Kasuga Shrine priests officiated at Nanendo, they made frequent return journeys between Nanendo and Kasuga Shrine. They also visited the grounds of Kofuku-ji Temple and recited prayers. This was an important part of the acceptance of Buddhism by Kasuga Shrine priests, which preceded that of pilgrams to Kasuga Shrine, and also led to an increase in people offering prayers.
著者
倉石 忠彦
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
no.52, pp.p161-183, 1993-11

地域とは何らかの同質性をもった地表に画された空間である。それは多様な性格に基づくものであって、単一なものによるのではない。しかもそれは往々にして主観によって左右される側面をもっている。しかしそうした地域のなかで人々は生活し、自己を認識している。一体日本人はどのような文化を育み、生活を営んできたのかということは、こうした地域を設定することによっても見出すことができるのではないかと思われる。それは生活している人々が必ずしも認識はしていないかもしれない。しかし、そうした地域を見出すことができるならば、日本の伝承文化のあり方を明らかにする上に、一定の価値を見出すことができるであろう。そうした観点からタナバタ伝承の一つである、タナバタの日(七月七日或は八月七日)に畑に立ち入ることを禁忌とする伝承を取り上げることにする。これはもしこの日に畑に立ち入ると何か災難が及ぶと伝えるもので、その理由はタナバタ様などと呼ぶ神霊的な存在がそこにいるからであるとするのである。これは従来物忌み的性格を示す伝承とされてきたが、それが何故に畑を対象とするかという点は明確ではなかった。しかし、その習俗が行われている地域が、タナバタに初物を供える地域と、この日にまこも等で馬を作って供える地域の接点であることからすると、畑作の収穫儀礼と、来訪神の信仰儀礼とにかかわっていることが推測される。また、この伝承は独特の分布状態を示し、対象となる豆畑と瓜畑との組み合わせにより、共通の地域性を持つものと考えることもできる。半夏生(夏至から数えて十一日目)の日にねぎ畑に立ち入ることを禁忌とする地域も同じ地域であり、民俗文化の上で独自の地域性をもっている。ここには特有な文化の存在が考えられる。こうした地域は他にも想定することができる。A region is a space marked off on the ground surface to give a certain homogeneity. The division is based on a variety of characters, not on any single one; and this tends to be affected by subjectivity. However, people live and recognize themselves within such a region. The author wonders whether we can discover, by setting out these regions, what kind of culture the Japanese developed and what kind of life they have lived. People living in a region may not necessarily have such awareness; however, if we can discover these regions, we may be able to find it of some value in clarifying what Japanese traditional culture should be.From this point of view, the author decided to deal with the traditional taboo prohibiting people from going into the fields on the day of Tanabata (Star Festival) (July 7). This taboo warns that entering the fields on this day will lead to disaster, because a divine, spiritual existence, called the "Tanabata-sama" or something similar, is there. This has been looked on as a tradition showing the feature of abstinence, but, it has not been clear why the taboo applied to the fields. From the fact that the areas observing this custom are located at the contact point of a region where people offer the first products of the season on the Tanabata day and a region where people offer a horse made with wild rice, etc, it is supposed that the taboo is related to a harvest ceremony of dry-field farming and a religious ceremony devoted to the visiting god.These areas are also distributed in a special manner, and it can be considered that they possess a common regionality from the combination of bean fields and melon fields. The areas correspond to those where it is taboo to go into spring onion fields on the Hangesyō (eleventh day from mid-summer), and these areas have a unique regionality with regard to folk culture. It may be thought that a unique culture exists in these regions. Other areas like this can be supposed.
著者
渡邉 一弘
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.174, pp.95-118, 2012-03

日中戦争中の弾丸除けの御守である千人針や日の丸の寄書きを見ていると、かなり頻繁に出てくる見慣れない漢字のような文字「[扌+合+辛][扌+台][扌+合+辛][扌+包+口](サムハラ)」。その文字は千人針のみならず衣服に書き込まれたり、お守りとして携帯された紙片に書かれたり、戦時中の資料に様々な形で見られサムハラ信仰とも言うべき習俗であることが分かる。戦時中のサムハラ信仰は、弾丸除け信仰の一つに集約されていたと考えられるが、その始まりは少なくとも江戸時代に遡り、その内容は、怪我除け、虫除け、地震除けなど多岐にわたっていた。「耳囊」をはじめとした江戸期の随筆にこの奇妙なる文字、あるいは符字とも呼ばれる特殊な漢字が度々紹介されている。その後、明治時代になり、日清・日露戦争といった他国との戦争に際して、弾丸除けのまじないとして、活躍することとなる。出征する兵士に持たせるお守りとして大量に配られ、その奇妙なる文字は兵士たちの間で弾丸除けの俗信として広がっていった。なかでも田中富三郎という人物の活動がサムハラ信仰を全国的に知らしめるきっかけとなり、戦時中のサムハラ信仰を全国的に普及させ、現在のサムハラ神社に引き継がれている。俗信の研究の重要性は、宗教などに権威化されたお札などと違って、民間信仰のなかから生まれ、少しずつ様々な意味づけがなされ、いつの間にか人々がその奇跡を信じ、成立するものである。戦時中の人々は、弾丸除けの俗信を信じることで、その現実を乗りきろうとした。こうした俗信の由来は、その時代時代に信じやすいように様々な逸話が加えられ、加工されていく。その時代のなかで解釈することと、その俗信の変化を通史的に整理することと、その両面が研究として必要となる。サムハラ信仰の研究は少なからずあるが、断片的であり、通史的に現代までを俯瞰する研究はない。本稿では、江戸期に始まるサムハラ信仰を現代まで俯瞰することを目的とする。"Samuhara," which is a group of letters like unfamiliar kanji, appears very often in senninbari, which is a charm against bullets during the war, and hinomaru yosegaki. The letters were not only written on senninbari but also on clothes and pieces of paper to be carried as charms and appear in wartime materials in various forms, which indicates that the custom was what could be called the samuhara belief.The wartime samuhara belief would have been focused on a single belief to protect against bullets. However, when it started in the Edo period, its contents varied from protection against injuries to that against insects, and earthquakes, etc. Essays from the Edo period, including "Mimibukuro," often introduce these strange letters or kanji, known as fuji.During the Meiji period, these letters played an important role as a charm against bullets in wars against other countries, such as the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War. They were also distributed as charms to the soldiers who went to war, and became known among soldiers as a popular belief to protect against bullets.In particular, Tanaka Tomisaburo took the initiative to ensure the samuhara belief was known nationwide. Because of him, the wartime samuhara belief spread nationwide and was inherited by the current samuhara shrine.The study of these folk beliefs is important for the following reasons. Unlike talismans authorized by religions, folk beliefs were born from popular beliefs. They gradually gained various meanings until eventually the miracles were believed in by people and became established. Wartime people attempted to surpass the reality by trusting in such folk beliefs.Various anecdotes were added to the original folk beliefs to make them more plausible in each period. Both interpretations of each period and an overview of the changes in folk beliefs over history will be necessary for the study.Although there have been many studies of the samuhara belief, they are fragmented, and none provide an overview of the complete history to the present. This article is an attempt to provide an overview of the samuhara belief from the Edo period when it started to the present.
著者
榎原 雅治
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.130, pp.219-237, 2006-03

中世社会では徳政の実行が統治者の統治者たりうる条件とされ、代替わりや天災・戦乱などを契機にしばしば徳政の実行が宣言されたことは、中世史ではすでに常識となっている。笠松宏至氏は、鎌倉後期に公武両権力によって行われた徳政の篇目は仏神領の興行と雑訴の興行(公平な裁判)にあることを明らかにしたが、その後、五味文彦氏によって平安末期の荘園整理令がすでに代替わり徳政としての性格をもっていたことを明らかにされ、応安の半済令についても、笠松氏や村井章介氏によって将軍代始めの仏神領興行の徳政としての性格をもつものであることが明らかにされた。これによって統治者の代替わりに徳政が実施されることは、中世の成立期から南北朝期まで一貫して認められる現象であったことが明らかになっている。さらに海津一朗氏は、鎌倉後期の仏神領の興行が荘園制の再編を促し、その結果、「寺社本所一円領」と「武家領」からなる中世後期荘園制が成立していくことを明らかにしている。中世後期荘園制は鎌倉後期〜南北朝期の徳政を論理的根拠として存立していたことが提起されたわけであるが、中世後期研究の側でこの提起を受けとめた議論はまだ展開されていない。本稿では、足利義持、義教、義政という義満を後継する室町殿の代始めの土地政策に注目し、沽却された土地の返付訴訟、およびそれに対する幕府の態度について検討した。そして室町期においてもなお、代始めにあたって寺社領興行(沽却地の返付)を求める社会動向があり、またそれに応じることを徳政であると考える為政者側の考え方と施策が存在していたことを明らかにした。In medieval society the implementation of "tokusei" (lit:"virtuous government") was a provision that could be exercised by rulers. It has become commonly accepted within medieval history that declarations of the implementation of tokusei were frequently made at times of succession, disasters and war. Hiroshi Kasamatsu has said that decisions to implement tokusei under the dual authority of the imperial court and shogunate during the late Kamakura period are to be found in connection with the policy of protction temple and shrine land and legal action (impartial courts). Later on, Fumihiko Gomi showed that edicts establishing the shoen system at the end of the Heian period already contained provisions for tokusei at the time of succession. Kasamatsu and Shosuke Murai have said that the edict halving the taxes paid to rulers during the Oan era (1368-1375) contains what amounts to the first tokusei for temple and shrine land at the start of the reign of new shogun. This shows that the implementation of tokusei upon the succession of a ruler was a recognized phenomenon throughout the time starting at the beginning of the medieval period through to the period of the Southern and Northern Courts. Furthermore, Ichiro Kaizu says that the policy protection temple and shrine land at the late Kamakura period encouraged a reorganization of the shoen system, resulting in the establishment of the late medieval shoen system, which consisted of the "Jisha honjo ichien ryo" and the "Buke ryo". It has been asserted that the shoen system of the late medieval period was logically underpinned by tokusei from the late Kamakura through to the period of the Southern and Northern Courts. However, discussion accepting this assertion has yet to take place within research on the late medieval period.This paper focuses on the land policies at times of succession by Ashikaga Yoshimochi, Yoshinori and Yoshimasa, the rulers who succeeded Ashikaga Yoshimitsu and lived in the Muromachi palace in Kyoto. It discusses legal action for the return of land that had been sold and the attitude of the bakufu toward such action. It also shows that for the Muromachi period as well there was a social movement at the beginning of the period that demanded the taking of temple and shrine land (the return of sold land). Further, it explicates the existence of measures and the attitude of the ruling class, which believed that acceding to such demands was tokusei.
著者
一ノ瀬 俊也
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.131, pp.51-84, 2006-03

戦場における佐倉歩兵第五七連隊の行動は、いくつかの連隊史や回想録で比較的よく知られている。しかし、兵士たちの平時の日常生活、意識については不明な点も多いように思われる。本稿は一九三四(昭和九)年に連隊のある上等兵がほぼ毎日書いていた日記帳の内容を分析して、連隊の兵士が毎日どのような訓練・生活を送っていたのかを再構成することを目的とする。日記の筆者は(おそらく)三三年一月現役入営し、翌三四年七月一九日除隊している。日記帳にはこのうち三四年一月一日から除隊後の同年八月一八日までの記述がある。具体的に千葉での演習・勤務、富士山麓での演習、対抗競技と連隊への帰属意識、日常の衣食住、私的制裁、連隊と地域社会との関わり、といった諸テーマを設定して、兵士たちの〈日常〉の再構成に努めるとともに、彼らが自己の所属する軍隊をどうみていたのか、それは帝国軍隊の支持基盤たりえたのか、といった問題にも展望を示したい。なお、参考資料として、本日記の全文を連隊生活とは直接関係のない除隊後のものを除き、翻刻した。The activities of the 57th Sakura Infantry Regiment on the battlefield are relatively well known from a number of regimental histories and memoirs. However, little is known about the daily life and thoughts of soldiers during peacetime. The aim of this paper is to reconstruct the daily training and life of soldiers in the regiment from the study of a diary written virtually everyday by a private first class in the regiment in 1934. The diarist most likely took up his position in January 1933 and then left the regiment on July 19, 1934. The diary contains entries from January 1 through August 18, 1934, by which time he had been discharged from the regiment.This paper attempts to reconstruct the daily lives of soldiers and covers the topics of exercises and duties in Chiba, exercises at the foot of Mt. Fuji, competitive sports and loyalty to the regiment, everyday clothing, food and shelter, un-offirial forms of punishment, and the relationship between the regiment and the local community. It also takes a look at how the soldiers regarded the regiment they were attached to and whether this constituted support for the Imperial Army. It may be noted that this diary, with the exception of the part following the writer's discharge from the regiment which is not directly related to the daily activities of the regiment, has been republished in full to provide background information.
著者
山本 志乃
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.167, pp.127-142, 2012-01

漁村から町場や農村への魚行商は、交易の原初的形態のひとつとして調査研究の対象となってきた。しかし、それらの先行研究は、近代的な交通機関発達以前の徒歩や牛馬による移動が中心であり、第二次世界大戦後に全国的に一般化した鉄道利用の魚行商については、これまでほとんど報告されていない。本論文では、現在ほぼ唯一残された鉄道による集団的な魚行商の事例として、伊勢志摩地方における魚行商に注目し、関係者への聞き取りからその具体像と変遷を明らかにすると同時に、行商が果たしてきた役割について考察を試みた。三重県の伊勢志摩地方では、一九五〇年代後半から近畿日本鉄道(以下、近鉄)を利用した大阪方面への魚行商が行われるようになった。行商が盛んになるに従って、一般乗客との間で問題が生じるようになり、一九六三年に伊勢志摩魚行商組合連合会を結成、会員専用の鮮魚列車の運行が開始される。会員は、伊勢湾沿岸の漁村に居住し、最盛期には三〇〇人を数えるほどであった。会員の大半を占めるのは、松阪市猟師町周辺に居住する行商人である。この地域は、古くから漁業従事者が集住し、戦前から徒歩や自転車による近隣への魚行商が行われていた。戦後、近鉄を使って奈良方面へアサリやシオサバなどを売りに行き始め、次第にカレイやボラなどの鮮魚も持参して大阪へと足を伸ばすようになった。それに伴い、竹製の籠からブリキ製のカンへと使用道具も変化した。また、この地区の会員の多くは、大阪市内に露店から始めた店舗を構え、「伊勢屋」を名乗っている。瀬戸内海の高級魚を中心とした魚食文化の伝統をもつ大阪の中で、「伊勢」という新たなブランドと、当時まだ一般的でなかった産地直送を看板に、顧客の確保に成功した。そして、より庶民的な商店街を活動の場としたことにより、大阪の魚食文化に大衆化という裾野を広げる役割をも果たしたのではないかと考えられる。Fish peddling from fishing villages to towns or farming villages, as a primitive trade form, has been the subject of studies. Previous studies, however, were mainly conducted on fish peddling on foot or by cattle and horse before the development of modern transportation, and there have been few reports about fish peddling by railway, which became prevalent over the country after World War II. In this paper, focusing attention on fish peddling in the Ise-Shima region as an example of the only one remaining collective fish peddling by railway, a concrete image of it and changes are clarified from interviews with the persons concerned, and the role that the peddling played is considered.In the Ise-Shima region in Mie Prefecture, fish peddling to the Osaka area using trains operated by Kintetsu Corporation (hereinafter referred to as Kintetsu) started in the latter half of the 1950s. As peddling became more active, problems between peddlers and general passengers increased. In 1963, the Ise-Shima Fish Peddling Association was formed, and fresh fish trains only for its members started operation. The members resided in fishing villages on the coast of Ise Bay, and the number of members exceeded 300 in its peak period.Most of the members were peddlers who resided around the Ryoushi-cho in Matsuzaka City. From long ago, this region has been home to many people engaged in the fishing industry, and from the prewar period, fish peddling to neighboring areas on foot or by bicycle was conducted. After the war, they began selling Japanese littleneck shell and salt mackerel to the Nara area by Kintetsu and gradually expanded the peddling to the Osaka area, carrying fresh fish such as righteye flounder and mullet. Along with the expansion, the tools they used changed from bamboo cages to tin cans. Many of the members in this region, who started trading at roadside stands, had their own shops called "Iseya" in Osaka City. In Osaka with its tradition of fish culture of mainly quality fish from the Seto Inland Sea, the new brand "Ise" and the direct-from-the-farm style, which was not common at that time, attracted people and led to the successful acquisition of customers. It is considered that by using shopping streets that were more familiar among ordinary people as their places of activities, it played the role of expanding the lower end of fish food culture in Osaka among the public.
著者
勝田 至
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.174, pp.7-30, 2012-03

近代の民俗資料に登場する火車は妖怪の一種で、野辺送りの空に現れて死体をさらう怪物である。正体が猫とされることも多く、貧乏寺を繁昌させるため寺の飼い猫が和尚と組んで一芝居打つ「猫檀家」の昔話も各地に伝わっている。火車はもともと仏教で悪人を地獄に連れて行くとされる車であったが、妖怪としての火車(カシャ)には仏教色が薄く、また奪われる死体は必ずしも悪人とされない。本稿の前半では仏教の火車と妖怪の火車との繋がりを中世史料を用いて明らかにした。室町時代に臨終の火車が「外部化」して雷雨が堕地獄の表象とされるようになり、十六世紀後半には雷が死体をさらうという話が出現する。それとともに戦国末には禅宗の僧が火車を退治する話も流布し始めた。葬列の際の雷雨を人々が気にするのは、中世後期に上層の華美な葬列が多くの見物人を集めるようになったことと関係がある。猫が火車とされるようになるのは十七世紀末のころと見られる。近世には猫だけではなく、狸や天狗、魍魎などが火車の正体とされる話もあり、仏教から離れて独自の妖怪として歩み始める。悪人の臨終に現れる伝統的な火車の説話も近世まで続いているが、死体をさらう妖怪の火車の話では、死者は悪人とされないことが多くなった。人を地獄に連れて行く火車の性格が残っている場合、火車に取られたという噂がその死者の評判にかかわるという問題などから、次第に獄卒的な性格を薄めていったと考えられる。Kasha, which emerges in modern folklore, is a kind of monster which appears in the sky over funeral processions and carries away the dead. The monster is often identified as a cat, and "nekodanka," which is an old tale of a cat playing tricks together with the priest of a poor temple to make the temple prosper, is also known in various places.Kasha was originally a Buddhist carrier that allegedly took villains to hell. However, when kasha is portrayed as a monster, its Buddhist character is weakened, and the dead taken by kasha are not necessarily villains. The first half of this article clarifies the connection between kasha in Buddhism and kasha as a monster, using medieval materials. During the Muromachi period, kasha for the death was "externalized," and thunderstorms were considered to represent going to hell, while in the last half of the 16th century, the story of thunder carrying away the dead appeared. At the same time, at the end of the Sengoku period, the story of a Zen Buddhist monk defeating kasha gained ground. People's concerns about thunderstorms at funeral processions are connected with the fact that in the last half of the Middle Ages, gorgeous funeral processions of the upper classes attracted many spectators.It seems that kasha were first identified as cats in the late 17th century. In early modern times, kasha were also identified as raccoon dogs, tengu, moryo, etc., leaving Buddhism and beginning to walk alone as unique monsters. The traditional story of kasha, which appears at the death of a villain, was continued until early modern times, but in the story of kasha as a monster carrying away the dead, the dead was often not villains. If kasha still had the character of a monster which carries away people to hell, the rumor that kasha took the dead might have tarnished the reputation of the latter. For this reason, the character of kasha as a tormenting devil in hell would have gradually been weakened.
著者
広瀬 和雄
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.150, pp.33-147[含 英語文要旨], 2009-03

西日本各地の首長同盟が急速に東日本各地へも拡大し,やがて大王を中心とした畿内有力首長層は,各地の「反乱」を制圧しながら強大化し,中央集権化への歩みをはじめる。地方首長層はかつての同盟から服属へと隷属の途をたどって,律令国家へと社会は発展していく,というのが古墳時代にたいする一般的な理解である。そこには,古墳時代は律令国家の前史で古代国家の形成過程にすぎない,古墳時代が順調に発展して律令国家が成立した,というような通説が根底に横たわっている。さらには律令国家の時代が文明で,古墳時代は未熟な政治システムの社会である,といった<未開―文明史観>的な歴史観が強力に作用している。北海道・北東北と沖縄諸島を除いた日本列島では,3世紀中ごろから7世紀初めごろに約5200基の前方後円(方)墳が造営された。墳長超200mの前方後円墳32/35基,超100mの前方後円(方)墳140/302基が,畿内地域に集中していた。そこには中央―地方の関係があったが,その政治秩序は首長と首長の人的な結合で維持されていた。いっぽう,『記紀』が表す国造・ミヤケ・部民の地方統治システムも,中央と地方の人的関係にもとづく政治制度だった。つまり,複数の畿内有力首長が,各々中小首長層を統率して中央政権を共同統治した<人的統治システム>の古墳時代と,国家的土地所有にもとづく<領域的統治システム>を理念とした律令国家の統治原理は異質であった。律令国家の正統性を著した『日本書紀』の体系的な叙述と,考古学・古代史研究者を規制してきた発展史観から,みずからの観念を解き放たねばならない。そして,膨大な考古資料をもとに,墳墓に政治が表象された古墳時代の350年間を,一個のまとまった時代として,先見主義に陥らずにその特質を解明していかねばならない。The alliance of chiefs from western Japan expanded rapidly toward eastern Japan and while subduing "insurgencies" around the country the rulers from among the powerful elite in Kinki eventually became stronger, and thus began to form a centralized power. The general understanding of the Kofun period is that the alliance broke up as these regional chiefs became subsumed as vassals and society evolved into the ritsuryo state. The prevailing theory that underpins this understanding is that the Kofun period was no more than the process of the formation of an ancient state that preceded the ritsuryo state, whose gradual development led to the establishment of the ritsuryo state. At play here is the historical view of the development of a society from a barbarian to a civilized society where the ritsuryo state represents civilization and the Kofun period a society with an immature political system.In the period from around the middle of the 3rd century to the beginning of the 7th century approximately 5,200 round or square keyhole tombs were built in the Japanese archipelago, excluding Hokkaido, northern Tohoku and the Okinawa islands. There are 35 tombs with mounds of more than 200 meters, with 32 of them concentrated in a single region. There are a further 302 tombs with mounds of more than 100 meters, of which 140 are concentrated in a single region. Representing a center-region relationship, this political order was maintained by chiefs and their personal ties. The kuni no miyatsuko, miyake and bemin system of regional government involving the establishment of a state, as described in the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, was also a political system based on the personal relationships of those in the center and those in the regions. That is to say, the Kofun period with its "system of personal rule" where several powerful chiefs in Kinai jointly ruled the central government by leading their own groups of medium- to low-ranking chiefs is different from the principle of rule of the ritsuryo state which was based on the principle of a "system of territorial rule" underpinned by state ownership of land.We must free our ideas from the systematic depictions in the Nihon Shoki of the legitimacy of the ritsuryo state and the developmental view of history that has restrained researchers engaged in archaeology and ancient history. In addition, using the massive quantity of archaeological data as a foundation, we must shed light on the 350-year Kofun period when politics was symbolized by mounded tombs as a single cohesive period without succumbing to doctrine centered on what came next.

3 0 0 0 IR 玉纒太刀考

著者
白石 太一郎
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
no.50, pp.p141-164, 1993-02

伊勢神宮の社殿は20年に一度建て替えられる。この式年遷宮に際しては建物だけではなく,神の衣装である装束や持物である神宝類も作り替えられる。アマテラスを祭る内宮の神宝には「玉纒太刀」と呼ばれる大刀がある。近年調進される玉纒太刀は多くの玉類を散りばめた豪華な唐様式の大刀であるが,これは10世紀後半以降の様式である。『延喜式』によって知ることができるそれ以前の様式は,環のついた逆梯形で板状の柄頭(つかがしら)をもつ柄部に,手の甲を護るための帯をつけ,おそらく斜格子文にガラス玉をあしらった鞘をもったもので,金の魚形装飾がともなっていたらしい。一方,関東地方の6世紀の古墳にみられる大刀形埴輪は,いずれも逆梯形で板状の柄頭の柄に,三輪玉のついた手の甲を護るための帯をもち,鞘尻の太くなる鞘をもつものである。後藤守一は早くからこの大刀形埴輪が,『延喜式』からうかがえる玉纏太刀とも多くの共通点をもつことを指摘していた。ただそうした大刀の拵えのわかる実物資料がほとんど知られていなかったため,こうした大刀形埴輪は頭椎大刀を形式化して表現したものであろうと推定していた。1988年に奈良県藤ノ木古墳の石棺内から発見された5口の大刀のうち,大刀1,大刀5は,大刀形埴輪などから想定していた玉纒太刀の様式を具体的に示すものとして注目される。それは捩り環をつけた逆梯形で板状の柄頭をもち,柄には金銅製三輪玉をつけた手を護るための帯がつく。また太い木製の鞘には細かい斜格子文の透かしのある金銅板を巻き,格子文の交点にはガラス玉がつけられている。さらにそれぞれに金銅製の双魚佩がともなっている。それは基本的な様式を大刀形埴輪とも共通にする倭風の拵えの大刀であり,まさに玉纒太刀の原形と考えてさしつかえないものである。こうした梯形柄頭大刀やそれに近い系統の倭風の大刀には,金銅製の双魚佩をともなうものがいくつかある。6世紀初頭の大王墓に準じるクラスの墓と考えられる大阪府峯ケ塚古墳でも双魚佩をともなう倭風の大刀が3口出土している。6世紀は環頭大刀や円頭大刀など朝鮮半島系の拵えの大刀やその影響をうけた大刀の全盛期であるが,畿内の最高支配者層の古墳では倭風の大刀が重視され,また古墳に立てならべる埴輪につくられるのもすべてこの倭風の大刀であった。大王の祖先神をまつる伊勢神宮の神宝の玉纒太刀がこの伝統的な倭風の様式の大刀にほかならないことは,6・7世紀の倭国の支配者層が,積極的に外来の文化や技術を受入れながらも,なお伝統的な価値観を保持しようとしていたことを示す一つの事例として興味ふかい。The buildings of the Ise Shrine are rebuilt every 20 years. At this periodical renewal of the shrine, not only the buildings, but also costumes, considered the costumes of the gods, and treasures, the belongings of the gods, are also remade. Among the sacred treasures of the Naikū 内宮, which is devoted to the Amateras 天照大神, there is a long sword called the Tamamaki no Tachi 玉纒太刀 (Gem-Covered Sword). The Tamamaki no Tachi that have been dedicated to the shrine in recent years are of the T'ang 唐 style of the after second half of the 10th century. In the preceding style, which can be known from the "Engi Shiki" 『延喜式』 (code established in the Engi era), the sword seems to have had a hilt with reversed-trapezoidal, plate-type pommel with a ring, a band to protect the back of the hand, and a sheath, probably with skew latticed pattern, glass beads and golden fish ornaments.On the other hand, every sword-shaped haniwa 埴輪 excavated from burial mounds of the 6th century in the Kanto District has a hilt with a reverse-trapezoidal, plate-type pommel, a band with Miwadama 三輪玉 (gem with three round bulges) to protect the back of hand, and a sheath thicker towards the end. GOTŌ Moriichi has pointed out that this sword-shaped haniwa had many features in common with the Tamamaki no Tachi depicted in the "Engi Shiki". Since there are very few real materials to show the ornamentation of this type of sword, the sword-shaped haniwa were supposed to have been a formalization of a Kabutsuchi-no-Tachi 頭椎大刀 (sword with bulbous pommel).Among the five swords discovered in the stone coffin of the Fujinoki Kofun 藤ノ木古墳, Nara Prefecture, in 1988, Swords No.1 and No.5 attract our attention as they represent definitely the style of the Tamamaki no Tachi imagined from the sword-shaped haniwa, etc. These swords had reversed-trapezoidal, plate-type pommels with twisted rings, bands to protect the back of hand, with gilt-bronze Miwadama on their hilts. Their thick wooden sheaths were wrapped in gilt-bronze plates of fine skew-latticed-pattern openwork, ornamented with glass beads on the intersecting points of the latticed pattern. They had furthermore twin fish-shaped ornaments in gilt bronze. They were Wa 倭 style swords, the basic style of which was the same as that of the sword-shaped haniwa, and they can be considered the prototypes of the Tamamaki no Tachi.A number of these swords with trapezoidal pommels and other Wa-style swords of a close line are adorned with the gilt-bronze twin-fish ornaments. Two Wa-style swords with twin-fish ornaments were excavated from the Minegazuka Kofun 峯ヶ塚古墳, in Osaka, considered the grave of one of a rank equivalent to that of an Daiō 大王 of the early 6th century. In the 6th century, swords from the Korean Peninsular and others bearing their influence, for example, Kantō no Tachi 環頭大刀 (ring-pommeled sword) and Entō no Tachi 円頭大刀 (sword with rounded pommels) were most popular. However, for the kofun of the highest ruling class in the Kinai Region, importance was placed on the Wa-style of sword and all the sword-shaped haniwa placed on the kofun were of the Wa-style. The very fact that the Tamamaki no Tachi, a sacred treasure of the Ise Shrine which is dedicated to the ancestral goddess of the Daiō, is of this traditional Wa style, is an interesting fact showing that the ruling class of Wa from the 6th to 7th centuries tried to maintain their traditional values, while at the same time positively accepting foreign culture and skills.
著者
松浦 利隆
出版者
国立歴史民俗博物館
雑誌
国立歴史民俗博物館研究報告 (ISSN:02867400)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.95, pp.179-205, 2002-03

安政六年六月の開港は国内の経済構造に大変化をもたらし、幕藩体制が崩壊するきっかけを作った大事件である。そこで初期の生糸不足により大混乱におちいった関東随一の織物産地である上州桐生新町がこの事件をきっかけにどう変化したかを考察した。この混乱へ桐生新町の対応は三つの段階に分けられる。最初の段階は幕府への生糸輸出禁止や在郷商人の取引抑制を中心とした嘆願の段階である。夏から冬にかけて続いた嘆願は大老への駕籠訴までエスカレートしたがついに何の効果も無かった。次が嘆願の失敗、冬を迎えて困窮の進展により抑えきれなくなった町内の織物職人・労働者(=小前層)の不穏な行動とそれを地元商人処罰等によって懐柔し、さらなる先鋭化を抑えた段階である。最後が翌春の町役人層と小前層の相互の直接的な対向関係、つまり小前層の打ち壊しを材料にした各種要求、町役人層の権力を動員した抑圧と施米等の実施による懐柔といった従来の支配関係を超越した両者の力のバランスが町政を動かす段階である。このように開港という新状況は、まずは幕府による経済統制がもはや無力であることを露呈させ、さらに地域においても従来的な社会機構や制度が機能不全におちいった側面を強調してゆく過程であり、そこから生じたのは従来の身分制度の枠にとらわれない経済的な階層格差を背景にした混乱と対立であった。かつ、その解決(=救い米等)がこの新情勢から経済的な恩恵を受けたと思われる階層(=生糸商人に代表される)の経済力によって支えられる新状況をもたらしたわけである。このように安政六年の桐生の事例は、開港と開放経済が封建社会の基礎を揺るがし、最終的にはそれを突き崩してゆく歴史過程のひとつの端緒的な事例といえるのではないだろうか。The opening of ports in June, Ansei 6 was a major incident that brought about a great change in the domestic economic structure and started the fall of the Tokugawa Shogunate regime. This paper considers how Joshu Kiryu-shinmachi, the best textile producer in Kanto fell into a great confusion due to the raw silk shortage in the earlier days, changed after this incident.We can divide the measures that Kiryu-shinmachi took against such confusion as three stages : in the first stage, it entreated the Government to ban the raw silk export and control the trade by rural merchants. The entreaties that continued from summer to winter went so far as to resort to kagoso (the direct entreaty to the palanquin of tairo), but there was no effect gained after all.In the next stage, after the failure of the entreaties and with the arrival of the winter, the town pacified frustrated textile craftsmen and workers by punishing the local merchants. Further, in the next spring, the town politics were influenced by the power balance that transcended the direct conflict between the class of town officials and that of komae (working class live in rented houses), i.e., the controlling relationship, as represented by various requests involved in uchikowashi of the komae class and suppression by mobilized power of the town official class and such appeasement measures as the rice giving.Thus, the new situation brought about by the port opening was a process that revealed the economic control by the government not to be effective any longer, while it emphasized the aspect that the conventional social structures and systems failed to function properly, from which conflicts and confusion arose in the context of the differentials in economic status difficult to understand by the traditional framework of social class. At the same time, the solutions to this (rice giving, etc. ) resulted in such new circumstances supported by the economic power of the class (as represented by raw silk merchants) that seemed to economically benefit from such new state of affairs. Thus, it can be said that the example of Kiryu of Ansei 6 was one of the very first incidents in the historical process in which the port opening and open economy started shaking the foundation of the feudal society and eventually destroy it.