著者
中島 樂章
出版者
東洋史研究会
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.74, no.4, pp.755-792, 2016-03

From 1542 to 1544, the Portuguese arrived successively in Ryukyu, Japan and Korea. Here I investigate the development of intra-Asian trade carried out by Portuguese private traders in the mid-16th century, focusing on the pepper trade in particular. The lifeline of the Portuguese seaborne empire was the export of pepper produced on the Malabar Coast to the European market via the carreira da ĺndia (route to India). In theory, trade in pepper was designated a monopoly of Portuguese crown ships, and private trade in pepper was prohibited. Only the crews of royal ships were permitted to load pepper on board to trade privately. From the mid-16th century, however, it gradually became common for Portuguese kings to confer on certain persons the right to engage in commercial navigation by a specified route. Simultaneously, private trading in pepper gradually increased, too. On the other hand, Chinese smuggling trade to the Southeast Asia, especially to Malacca, also escalated. Smugglers mainly set sail from the coastal region of Zhangzhou 漳州 Bay in Southern Fujian 福建, violating the maritime prohibition policy enforced by the Ming dynasty. In the 1530's and the 1540's, The capitães (captains) of Malacca, such as Estêvão da Gama (in office 1534-39) and Pêro de Faria (in office 1539-42) created their own trade networks in the Southeast and the East Asian seas, where many private traders engaged in intra-Asian trade. In addition, in the 1540's, smuggling traders, who came from Huizhou 徽州 prefecture in Southern Anhui 安徽 province, advanced into the maritime trade in the South China Sea, and developed close connections with Pêro de Faria and his successors. They drew the Portuguese private traders, who were called as "folangji" by the Chinese, into the smuggling trade at 雙嶼 Shuangyu port, located in the Zhoushan 舟山 Islands off Ningbo 寧波. Under the open trade policy of Martin Afonso de Sousa, Governor of Estado da ĺndia (in office 1542-45), intra-Asian trade by Portuguese private traders expanded even more. But his successor, João de Castro (in office 1545-48), planning to tighten discipline in maritime trade in Asian seas, called a conference concerning the intra-Asian trade of pepper. The opinions submitted to the governor by the participants at the conference after the gathering reveal that a large quantity of peppers shipped to the Chinese market by the Portuguese traders remained unsold in 1543 and 1544. And 1543 is precisely the year the Portuguese first arrived at Tanegashima 種子島 on board the junk of Wang Zhi 王直, who later became a leader of wokou (Japanese pirates) in the 1550s. It is estimated that their ship set sail to Japan from Patani, which was a hub port for the exportation of pepper to China, and arrived at Tanegashima via China, probably from Zhangzhou 漳州 or Shuangyu. In 1543 and 1544, the price of pepper in China had plummeted due to excessive supplies. It seems that, as a result, the Portuguese private traders embarked on their voyage to Kyushu, and exchanged their cargo of pepper and Chinese commodities for Japanese silver. The first arrival of the Portuguese in Japan was not only the result of expansion of the trade network of Chinese maritime traders in the East China Sea, but also a consequence of the growth of intra-Asian trade of Portuguese private traders in the mid-16th century.
著者
中島 樂章
出版者
東洋史研究会
雑誌
東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.2, pp.267-299, 2007-09

Toyotomi Hideyoshi began the invasion of Korea in 1592, but as warfare became mired in a stalemate from 1593 through the ninth month of 1596, peace negotiations between Japan and the Ming dynasty dragged on interminably. In this article, I examine the relationship of the arguments within the Ming court over whether a tribute relationship should be opened with Japan and its relationship to changes in the trade order in the East Asia of the time. In the course of the peace negotiations, Hideyoshi continued to demand the cession of the southern portion of the Korean peninsula and resumption of official trade between Japan and the Ming. In response, the Ming dynasty saw the cessation of Korean territory as out of the question and continued to debate whether to invest Hideyoshi with the title King of Japan and whether to permit the tribute trade. The great majority of the bureaucracy opposed both the investment of Hideyoshi and permission of the tribute trade, and in the fifth month of 1594 the Wanli Emperor first ordered the denial of the investment and tribute trade, but then reversed himself and agreed in the twelfth month to permit the investment alone, but not to recognize the tribute trade. Those who opposed opening trade with Japan argued that such trade with would invite worsening of the peace and public order on the southeastern coast and bring about financial costs similar to those of the Mongol trade. Furthermore, Grand Secretary 内閣大學士 Shen Yiguan 沈一貫, who was from Ningbo, which was to be the entrepot for the Japanese tribute trade, feared the worsening of public order in Ningbo and opposed the resumption of trade. In contrast, thosewho advocated the resumption of trade with Japan were a distinct minority. Among these, Chen Yidian 陳懿典 argued articulately that trade involving Japanese silver and Chinese commercial products would be unlike the Mongol trade and would benefit the Ming dynasty. Moreover, Zhao Shizhen 趙士愼, who was famed as the author of Shenqi pu 神器譜, submitted a memorial to the throne advising the toleration of trade with Japan. In addition, Grand Secretary Zhang Wei 張位, while opposing recognition of tribute trade with Japan, proposed a plan that would permit Chinese maritime traders to sail to Japan and conduct trade. However, in the end the argument against trade with Japan was stronger and the trade was not resumed. The East Asian tribute trade system that had existed since the early Ming deteriorated in the latter half of the 16th century, and in addition to the tribute trade the countries surrounding China carried out mutual trade 互市 in Guangdong and on the northern borders and utilized the trade routes of the Chinese maritime merchants from Fujian to Southeast Asian, thereby forming the gongshi 貢市 system that combined aspects of the tribute and private trade. Japan alone was left out of the system due to fears of its aggressive actions. Reflecting the interest of the merchants of Sakai and Hakata, Konishi Yukinaga 小西行長 and So Yoshitoshi 宗義智 , who were in charge of the Japanese side in the peace negotiations, sought to realize peace by resuming trade between Japan and the Ming. On the other hand, those on the Ming side who groped for a peaceful resolution on the basis of the resumption of the tribute trade were centered around Grand Secretary Zhao Zhigao 趙志臯 and the Military Commissioner 經略 Song Yingchang 宋應昌, who came from Zhejiang, in addition to Chen Yidian and Zhang Han 張瀚, who was also from Zhejiang and argued forcefully that maritime trade on the southeastern coast would be financially beneficial and unlike trade on the northern borders, which had incurred financial burdens. However, in the end the gap between the positions of Hideyoshi, who stubbornly clung to demands for territory, and Ming bureaucrats, who opposed trade with Japan, remained and brought about the breakdown of the peace negotiations.