著者

高木 智見

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.4, pp.727-757, 1989-03-31

著者

宮崎 市定

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, no.2, 1961-10

著者

加藤 直人

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.45, no.3, pp.p452-478, 1986-12

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The rebellion of Lobjang danjin that arose in the first year of Yongzheng 雍正 (1723) was carried out by the chiefs (tayiji) of the Qosuɣud tribe of Koke-naɣur and by the Tibetans and Muslims who were attached to them. Among them were also included many lamas (blama). The rebellion was quite carefully planned; nevertheless, it proved to be no match for the Qing army, and in less than one month it was thoroughly repulsed. Moreover, because there was dissension within the Qosuɣud tribe, in a little over four short months they were completely subjugated. One reason that can be offered for the defeat of the rebellion is that Lobjang danjin was too optimistic in his estimate of the tribe of Jegun-ɣar. The rebellion took place at a time when the chief of the jegunɣar, Cevang rabtan, was trying to improve his relations with the Qing and was trying to establish his influence in the areas of Kazakh and Kirgiz. And at this time, he still harbored a serious grudge against the Qosuɣud because previously, the chiefs (tayiji) of the Qosuɣud tribe had united with the Qing and had wiped out the army of Jegun-ɣar which had entered Tibet. It was impossible from the beginning for the Qosuɣud to request reinforcements from this Jegun-ɣar. A second reason that can be offered for the defeat is that on the Qing side, the preparation against the rebellion, especially of commander Nian Gengyao 年羹堯, was meticulous, and the response was swift. Nian personally made his way to Xining 西寧, the main target of the Qosuɣud attack, and there he recruited troops and prepared for the assault. And the Qing side was able to rally the tayiji of the pro-Qing faction who had fled and other defectors, while the leaders of the rebellion were left in isolation. The Qing took this opportunity after the suppression of the rebellion to introduce the Banner system (niru-jasaɣ) into Koke-naɣur, and thereby to establish direct control over the area.

著者

宮崎 市定

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.16, no.4, pp.347-374, 1958-03-31

著者

井谷 鋼造

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.116-149, 1988-06-30

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The last Khwarazmshah Jalal al-Din was the greatest "hero" against the Mongol invasion in West Asia. His energetic military operations extended from Kirman to Rum (Asia Minor or Anatolia). Five contemporary historians, being Ibn al-Athir, al-Nasawi, Juwayni, Ibn Bibi and al-Hamawi recorded his activity in detail. These historical sources lead us to the following conclusion. Jalal al-Din's vigorous operations against Georgians since his appearance in Adharbayjan (1225) were highly estimated by Muslim authors. But when he entered into an alliance with al-Mu'azzam, son of al-'Adil b. Ayyub, Jalal al-Din was involved in a rivalry between al-Mu'azzam and al-Ashraf, another son of al-'Adil. After his first siege of Akhlat, an important city in Armenia ruled by a deputy of al-Ashraf, Khwarazmians were accused of their "evilness of behavior" by Ibn al-Athir. 'Ala' al-Din Kayqubad, Sultan of Rum was related by marriage to al-Ashraf and al-Kamil, ruler of Egypt, in 1227. After the capture of Akhlat by Jalal al-Din (1230) and his alliance with the ruler of Arzan al-Rum, cousin of Kayqubad, Rum Saltanat and the house of Ayyub formed an alliance against Jalal al-Din. Finally Jalal al-Din was defeated by the allied forces at Yassi Chaman, near Arzinjan on 28 Ramadan 627 A.H. (10.8.1230). He could never recover from this defeat and a year later was to be killed near Amid in consequence of the pursuit of a Mongol detachment sent by Ogadai Qa'an. The reason why Jalal al-Din had to fight against Sultan of Rum and the grandsons of Ayyub was for his lack of established foundation in West Asia. According to Juwayni, Jalal al-Din called himself sadd-i Iskandar against Mongol infidels, but in fact Khwarazmians lived in yawagi i.e. having neither property nor place. (Ibn Bibi, pp. 379, 430, 485 of facsimile text published by A. S. Erzi). So Khwarazmians had to become plunderers and at last collided with the most powerful forces in West Asia. Furthermore Rum Saltanat of Saljuq dynasty had enmity against Khwarazmshah, because Tekish, grandfather of Jalal al-Din, overthrew Saljuq state in Iran (1194). Rum Saltanat also, assisted by the grandsons of Ayyub, had to fight against Jalal al-Din in order to protect not only their actual interests in Eastern Anatolia, but their family's fame in history.

著者

澤井 一彰

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.79, no.4, pp.628-592, 2021-03

著者

森平 雅彦

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.3, pp.363-401, 2008-12

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The kings of Goryeo, who were subjects of the Yuan from the end of the 13th century to the mid 14th century, married princesses from the Mongol imperial house generation after generation. This study is a preliminary step in confirming the basic fact concerning the process of the marriages and a consideration of the significance of the pattern seen therein.The marriages between the royal house of Goryeo and Mongol imperial family took a unilateral form, with the Mongol side bestowing a princess to be wed to Goryeo. There may be some possibility that this was merely the result of the biological coincidence that there were no marriageable princesses from the Korean side, and that these marriages might not have been a deliberate device. The scope of marriage partners for the Goryeo royal house was limited to the family of Qubilai, which produced the Yuan emperors. It is a special circumstance, even if considering the intent of the Yuan government that favored central rule in regard to Goryeo. This can also be understood as special consideration for Goryeo, and such partiality can also be seen in the fact that many of the princesses bestowed on Goryeo were from the highest level of the imperial family. However, in consideration of the relationship with the Mongol imperial house in general and the distance from the emperor and the central axis of Yuan power, a controlled aspect is also visible. Nevertheless, the fact that marriage with the Mongol royal family, which served as the protector of national boundaries, was the key, this relationship can be understood as one aspect of the broader Yuan policy of rule, and also be viewed as a special characteristic of Goryeo. In regard to the kings who wed princesses from the same lineage of consorts of kings of former times, the common denominator is the fact that they all acceded to the throne in anomalous ways. If the intentions of those involved on the Goryeo side were reflected in the selection process, it is possible that the continuity of the lineage of the princesses may have been seen as a factor contributing to the legitimacy of the royal succession in Goryeo.

著者

宮崎 市定

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, no.3, 1959-12

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It has been known that the Yung-cheng emperor paid special attention to the local administration and adopted some new policies for it. Here the author asks what degree the emperor's intentions were realized. He tries to offer an answer through analysing Lan Ting-yuan (藍鼎元)'s Lu-chou-kung-an (鹿州公案), i.e. the original records of the struggle against the interrupters of his administration when he was Chih-hsien (知縣) at P'u-ning and Chao-yang prefecture, Chao-chou-fu (潮州府), Kuang-tung (廣東) province. Most disturbances were arose from the activities of Shu-li (胥吏), Tu-hao (土豪), Wo-tao (窩盜) and Sung-shih (訟師). Inspite of victoryover them, he was removed from his post because of his chief's unreasonable hatred. However the emperor did not leave such a talented officer tosuffer unjustly. Later he was restored his honor and promoted to Chih-fu (知府). The author concludes from the above story that the emperor's efforts for the local administration had actual results in practice.

著者

森平 雅彦

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.3, pp.363-401, 2008-12

著者

矢木 毅

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.3, pp.402-433, 2008-12

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Behind the use of Joseon, the early-modern country's name, was the consciousness that the country was the legitimate successor of Dangun Joseon 檀君朝鮮 and the ancient state of Gija Joseon 箕子朝鮮, which were thought to have actually existed in ancient times. The legends of Dangun Joseon and Gija Joseon are each indivisibly tied to the area of present-day Pyeongyang, and Seoul, the new capital of the Joseon dynasty, had from olden times been known as Pyeongyang of the South. Pyeongyang had flourished as the seat of government of Nangnang 樂浪郡 district, but with the southern advance of Goguryeo, Nangnang was destroyed and a temporary seat of government 僑郡 for the region was established in Liaodeng/Liaoxi 遼東・遼西 area. Pyeongyang once again flourished as the capital of Goguryeo, but with the Tang dynasty's destruction of Goguryeo, exiles streamed into the Liaodeng/Liaoxi region. These people brought with them to Liaodeng and Liaoxi the memory of the land around Pyeongyang that symbolized past glories and legend of Gija Joseon, which was inextricably tied to the Pyeongyang region. The people of early-modern Joseon who later "discovered" the legend came to see precisely this as proof of Gija Joseon's control of Liaodeng/Liaoxi, and came to argue that Gija Joseon had moved from Pyeonyang of Liaoxi, to Pyeongyang of Liaodeng, and finally to Pyeongyang of the Korean peninsula. This image of the territory of Gija Joseon, of course, overlapped with that of the territory of the Joseon kingdom of Dangun, the progenitor of the people. In this manner the image of the territory of the Ancient Joseon 古朝鮮 dynasties was "proven" through the records in the Chinese histories for early-modern Joseon.

著者

佐藤 達郎

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, no.1, pp.56-83, 1993-06-30

著者

井谷 鋼造

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.39, no.2, pp.p358-387, 1980-09

著者

岡本 隆司

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.1, pp.84-117, 1999-06

著者

矢木 毅

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.3, pp.402-433, 2008-12

---

Behind the use of Joseon, the early-modern country's name, was the consciousness that the country was the legitimate successor of Dangun Joseon 檀君朝鮮 and the ancient state of Gija Joseon 箕子朝鮮, which were thought to have actually existed in ancient times. The legends of Dangun Joseon and Gija Joseon are each indivisibly tied to the area of present-day Pyeongyang, and Seoul, the new capital of the Joseon dynasty, had from olden times been known as Pyeongyang of the South. Pyeongyang had flourished as the seat of government of Nangnang 樂浪郡 district, but with the southern advance of Goguryeo, Nangnang was destroyed and a temporary seat of government 僑郡 for the region was established in Liaodeng/Liaoxi 遼東・遼西 area. Pyeongyang once again flourished as the capital of Goguryeo, but with the Tang dynasty's destruction of Goguryeo, exiles streamed into the Liaodeng/Liaoxi region. These people brought with them to Liaodeng and Liaoxi the memory of the land around Pyeongyang that symbolized past glories and legend of Gija Joseon, which was inextricably tied to the Pyeongyang region. The people of early-modern Joseon who later "discovered" the legend came to see precisely this as proof of Gija Joseon's control of Liaodeng/Liaoxi, and came to argue that Gija Joseon had moved from Pyeonyang of Liaoxi, to Pyeongyang of Liaodeng, and finally to Pyeongyang of the Korean peninsula. This image of the territory of Gija Joseon, of course, overlapped with that of the territory of the Joseon kingdom of Dangun, the progenitor of the people. In this manner the image of the territory of the Ancient Joseon 古朝鮮 dynasties was "proven" through the records in the Chinese histories for early-modern Joseon.

著者

佐伯 富

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.1, pp.30-60, 1970-06

著者

佐伯 富

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30, no.4, pp.55-92, 1972-03

著者

佐伯 富

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, no.2, pp.56-117, 1970-12

著者

福井 重雅

出版者

東洋史研究會

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.34, no.1, pp.24-57, 1975-06-30

著者

稻葉 穰

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.69, no.1, pp.174-151, 2010-06

著者

坂井 弘紀

出版者

東洋史研究会

雑誌

東洋史研究 (ISSN:03869059)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.4, pp.671-679, 2010-03