著者
佐藤 潤司
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
no.85, pp.185-204, 2014-07-31

In this paper, I will specifically and objectively identify critical opinions on the mass media that have developed on the Internet about a report giving the real names of the Japanese victims of the hostage crisis of January 2013 in Algeria, and consider the structural factors of such criticism. The targets of this analysis are 1262 cases of opinions output from highly-ranked Web pages displayed on a search engine listing using fixed criteria. 7.1% of the opinions supported the news report, 68.5% of opinions did not support it, with other opinions accounting for 24.4%. The results of an analysis of opinions that did not support the report by using a text-mining approach did not necessarily indicate criticisms of the report that used the real names of the victims, but were an accumulation of various feelings of distrust against the mass media expressed on the Internet that were triggered by this news report. In addition, opinions that did not support the report were formed using language structures peculiar to the Internet; namely, a cyber-cascade that began at the point where people critical of the mass media became sympathetic and radicalized as unclear information spread on the Internet.
著者
佐藤 潤司
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.85, pp.185-204, 2014-07-31 (Released:2017-10-06)
参考文献数
10
被引用文献数
2

In this paper, I will specifically and objectively identify critical opinions on the mass media that have developed on the Internet about a report giving the real names of the Japanese victims of the hostage crisis of January 2013 in Algeria, and consider the structural factors of such criticism. The targets of this analysis are 1262 cases of opinions output from highly-ranked Web pages displayed on a search engine listing using fixed criteria. 7.1% of the opinions supported the news report, 68.5% of opinions did not support it, with other opinions accounting for 24.4%. The results of an analysis of opinions that did not support the report by using a text-mining approach did not necessarily indicate criticisms of the report that used the real names of the victims, but were an accumulation of various feelings of distrust against the mass media expressed on the Internet that were triggered by this news report. In addition, opinions that did not support the report were formed using language structures peculiar to the Internet; namely, a cyber-cascade that began at the point where people critical of the mass media became sympathetic and radicalized as unclear information spread on the Internet.
著者
佐藤 潤司
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.96, pp.159-177, 2020-01-31 (Released:2020-06-17)
参考文献数
17

This study verifies three cases that have become major social issues (i.e., the falsification of decision documents related to the sale of state-owned land to Moritomo Gakuen, the concealment of consultation documents related to the establishment of a new department of Kake Gakuen, and the concealment of daily reports from the Self-Defense Force units involved in United Nations peacekeeping operations in South Sudan). Furthermore, it clarifies current problems and future challenges related to the system of public records management and information disclosure. The results of this study indicate that six problems can be identified in the system of public records management and information disclosure. The first problem is that the relevant administrative bodies do not necessarily prepare the documents that should be prepared. The second problem is that the file management of such documents is inadvertently or deliberately inappropriate. The third problem is that these bodies can arbitrarily discard documents by setting the retention period to less than one year. The fourth problem is that these bodies can easily hide documents by positioning them as personal notes.The fifth problem is that these bodies can refuse to disclose documents because they are classified as non-disclosure information. The sixth problem is that there is no mechanism for preventing the falsification of documents. To resolve these problems, it is necessary to revise the Public Records Management Act and the Access to Government Information Act by, for example, making the creation, storage, and publication of public documents mandatory and establishing penalties for any violation of this requirement.
著者
佐藤 潤司
出版者
日本メディア学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.93, pp.77-96, 2018-07-31 (Released:2018-10-13)
参考文献数
14

This paper discusses the danger that the BPO, which should be obliged toact as a bulwark against public authorities intervening in program production,may threaten the freedom of broadcasting and intimidate broadcasters. The aim of this paper is to investigate several cases in which TV stationssubmitted their reports in order to officially express objections to BPO’s decisionsand to clarify the problems of these decisions and issues that the BPOshould resolve. Through the examination of four cases that fit the above conditions, someproblematic decisions were revealed which the BRC, one of the BPO committees,had made. These include one case in which the BRC pointed out ethicalproblems in TV programs based on a misunderstanding of the facts and mistakeninterpretations by the BRC, and another case in which they concludedthat human rights were violated based on information that had not been broadcasted. The BRC should have an obligation to examine factual information, conductverification, clarify the standards of judgment, share their understanding ofbroadcasting ethics with TV stations, in order to make equal and fair judgmentsto regain the trust of broadcasters.The BPO should take these BRC-related problems seriously and become atrue guardian of the freedom of broadcasting, defending the media from theauthorities that intend to intervene in the broadcasting industry.
著者
佐藤 潤司
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.95, pp.87-105, 2019-07-31 (Released:2019-10-25)
参考文献数
40

This report examines the Supreme Court decision (December 6, 2017) onthe receiving fee lawsuit of the Japan Broadcasting Corporation (NHK), andconsiders the way public broadcasting and receiving fees should be. The Supreme Court of Japan decided that there is a legal obligation to concludea receiving contract, but this judgment must be said to be anachronism inthat it does not take into account the trend in the latest theories and thechanges in the broadcasting environment. The judgment raises two problems.The first is that the suspicion of the violation of the constitution cannot bewiped out, and the second is that the rights of viewers may be lost and the wayof public broadcasting may be distorted. The most important role of public broadcasting is to monitor the publicpower as a journalism institution, but it is hard to say that NHK plays such arole. The viewer can correct the attitude of NHK by refusing to pay the receivingfee. In order not to prevent the exercise of such viewer sovereignty, theconclusion of the receiving contract should be interpreted as an effort, not alegal obligation.
著者
佐藤 潤司
出版者
日本マス・コミュニケーション学会
雑誌
マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.92, pp.125-144, 2018

<p>In this paper, I will analyse the news over the caricature of Muhammad</p><p>drawn on the cover of the special edition of Charlie Hebdo in 2015, and consider</p><p>whether the Japanese newspapers played a role as leaders of 'freedom of</p><p>expression'.</p><p> In Japan, three of the seven main newspapers did not publish the caricature</p><p>and one of the four that published it was protested by Islamic groups and</p><p>published an apology article.</p><p> When I analysed the articles of the seven newspapers by using a text-mining</p><p>approach, I found three problems. Primarily, the contents and attitude of</p><p>the newspapers did not necessarily emphasize 'freedom of expression'. Secondly,</p><p>the evaluation process for the caricature and the criteria for publication or nonpublication</p><p>of the caricature were not shown. Thirdly, the newspaper that apologized</p><p>for publishing the image did not clarify the reason for the apology, and</p><p>the other newspapers did not report the news that instigated a discussion over</p><p>the rightness or wrongness of the publication. For these reasons, it is hard to</p><p>say that Japanese newspapers played the role.</p><p> In addition, it can be pointed out that the three newspapers which did not</p><p>publish the caricature either do not have a certain criterion or did not apply the</p><p>criterion. Finally, with respect to the newspaper that published the apology</p><p>article,the phenomenon known as atrophy of the news was seen.</p>