著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 = Hosei journal of sociology and social sciences (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.2, pp.1-63, 2019-09

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.4, pp.200-147, 2018-03

著者

宮永孝著

出版者

宮永孝

巻号頁・発行日

2021

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会労働研究 = Society and labour (ISSN:02874210)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.3・4, pp.87-115, 1997-03

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Many views have been proffered as to the burial site of the English pilot major, William Adams (1564-1620) who died in the town of Hirado on the island of Kyushu.Though the exact site of his grave has yet to be ascertained, he most probably was originally laid to rest in the "Christian buriall place" (13 tattamies square), located on the southeastern hill called Tōmi oka (遠見丘).In the first decade of this century, Mr.Sango Kato (加藤三吾), local historian of Hirado and a teacher at the middle school (Yūkokan), determined that the burial grounds had been on a hillside situated behind the former home of a Mr.Kinjūro Yamagata (山県金十郎).Kato made this determination based upon the diary of Richard Cocks and his interviews with the elderly men of the area.A prior estimate as to the whereabouts of this site were made by Ludwig Riess (1861-1928), a lecturer of history at the lmperial University of Tokyo.Professor Riess' conjectures, however, were proven to be in error and thus inspired Mr.Kato to conduct his own investigation. Because of the politically-charged times of the Japanese Christian rebellion at Shimabara and to avoid the displeasure of the Tokagawa government, the feudal lord, Shigenobu Matsuura (松浦鎮信) in 1637 ordered the total destruction of the "Christian buriall place."As legend has it, the majority of the bones of the Europeans buried there were unearthed and cast away in the offshore of Hirose.Some bones, however, remained and were secretly re-interred elsewhere by the Dutch interpreter, Mitarai (御手洗).Mitarai had been a close friend of Adams and he remained close with his surviving relatives. in loyalty to his friend, Mitarai buried the remaining bones at Tōmioka and requested that his own descendants continue to perform the Mass for the Dead.Legend also has it that many bones were discovered in Tōmioka during the Kyōho period (1716-1729).Early in the Taisho period (1910s), after some bones were discovered under a group of coins arranged in the form of a Christian cross, a monument was erected on that spot.Also, from time to time over the past fifty years, several other bones have been unearthed. It was on the 10th of October in the 6th year of Showa (1931) in the corner of a field owned by the descendants of Mitarai, the Miura family, that the supposed grave site of William Adams was excavated.In attendance were : Mr.Kurata, headman's assistant ; Mr.Eguchi, an assistant police inspector, Mr.Yamaguchi, a health officer, Mr.Matsumoto, a licensed teacher at the elementary school in Hirado ; as well as some philanthropists and other researchers.What they found at the site was a cranium, a broken scapula, portions of a backbone, ribs, a thigh bone, molar teeth, as well as a fragment of an earthen vessel and a large number of rusted nails.The researchers could conclude that the body had been buried in a Western-style coffin and that the deceased was a white man of sturdy build and was more than 170 cm in height.However, it was not possible, from this evidence, to authenticate the fact that these were the bones of William Adams. Currently in Japan, there are two grave markers for William Adams.One is in the Tukayama Park (塚山公園) at Emi in Yokosuka City.This marker was placed there in the 10th year of Kansei (1798).A Yokohama merchant named James Walter (1847-1909) discovered this marker in 1874.However, when the grave was excavated on the 28th day of May in the 38th year of Meiji (1938), nothing was found within this grave.This adds further confidence to the contention that Adams died and was buried at Hirado. The second, Hirado, marker is located in Sakikata Park (崎方公園).Inscribed upon it is Miura Anjin no haka (The grave of W.Adams) and was placed there in the 29th year of Showa (1954). The remains interred there were those the loyal Miura family had dutifully guarded after the 1931 excavation. From the information available to us now, the only conclusive evidence we have is that William Adams did, indeed, pass away in Hirado.However, as to the location of his final resting place, the issue remains open.

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 = Hosei journal of sociology and social sciences (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.68, no.2, pp.1-72, 2021-09

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Yoshizo Yamaguchi (1883~1920, 山口義三) was a socialist and writer as well. Koken (孤剣) is an alias for him. He was put into the Miyagi Kangoku, a prison in Sendai, because of an article of his that was published in a magazine. After his release, Sanshiro Ishikawa (1876~1956, 石川三四郎), a social activist and anarchist, held a welcome meeting for the liberated convict at the Kinkikan (錦輝館) in Kanda in Tokyo on 22, June, 1908. The then socialists were divided into 3 sects, snarling at each other. 65 men and women joined the meeting, enjoying, first, the greeting of promotors, and, later, sideshows. The atmosphere in the assembly hall seemed to be amiable and everything was progressing fairly well. But when a sword dance reached its climax, some radicals began to wave red flags in the hall, singing a Revolutionary Song aloud. The andience remained silent, sitting on the fence.The welcome meeting ended toward evening. Soon some stalwart socialists and their comrades rushed to the streets, singing a Revolutionary Song at the top of their voices, and waving the red flags. The police watching for them in and outside the building dashed against them, asking for their flags. But they refused to hand them over because their flags were symbolic of their life it self. The scrambles between the police and the socialists broke out outside of the Kinkikan and near the Higher Commercial School (高等商業学校, nowadays Hitotsubashi University). The fighting continued for half an hour to one hour, attracting a large curious crowd, while the police increased their strength. Those resisting the police were arrested and were taken to the Kanda Police Station.Two of the radicals, Sakae Ōsugi (1885~1923, 大杉栄, murdered by the military police with his wife and nephew when the Kanto Earthquake broke out on 1, September, 1923), and Katsuzo Arahata (1887~1981, 荒畑勝三) were pulled out of jail naked and were heavily assaulted. The violence of the policemen knocked Arahata senseless.Ten men and four women were indicted for breaching the Peace Regulations and assault and battery charges for obstructing policemen’s carrying out their duties. Ten men did time at the Chiba Kangoku (i.e. prison) for one year or two years and a half depending on their offences or previous convictions.The Red Flag incident was only a struggle for flags but it caused a lèse-majesté (disrespect for the Imperial Family). While ten men were in jail at the Kanda Police Station, someone inscribed a Chinese poem on a white wall : “Cut down with one stroke the head of the Emperor, the ray of the setting sun is cold at Paris Castle”. The poem shocked the Cabinet, bringing hard pressure upon the socialists.

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 = 社会志林 (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.1, pp.130-99, 2013-07

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 = Hosei journal of sociology and social sciences (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.4, pp.1-78, 2020-03

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This essay is comprised of the following chapters: Preface 1) The difference of communism and socialism and their developments 2) Hiroyuki Kato, a bureaucratic scholar, first introduced communism and socialism into Japan 3) The word changes used in Japanese translation during the Meiji period 4) The embryo of social movement in Japan ― 'Toyoshakaito' (東洋社会党), 'The Socialist Party in the East' in Shimabara, Kyushu, Japan 5) 'Aikokudōshidōmei' (愛国同志同盟), 'The Union of Pro-patrioticism' in San Francisco 6) Shunsui Kotoku (幸徳秋水), a Meiji era socialist, in California (Nov. 1905~June. 1906) 7) An open letter (menace) to the Emperor in Japan 8) Outbreak of high treason 9) The way to the gallows 10) The aftermath of high treason. Postface 11) The author's English abstract.Shunsui Kotoku was indicted for his articles in 'Heiminshinbun' (平民新聞), 'The Commoner Newspaper', and was jailed for 5 months in 1905. After his release he visited America for his health thanks to a donation. While in California for about 6 months, he seemed to be influenced by anarchism and organized 'Shakaikakumeito' (社会革命党), 'The Social Revolutionary Party' in Oakland, while returning home. He is said to have diverted himself in thought while in the States.He sailed for America from Yokohama with his nephew on the 14th of November, 1905, arriving in Seattle on the 29th of the month after a voyage of 17 days. While staying at 'Teikoku Ryokan' (帝国旅館), The Imperial Hotel, in Seattle, many young Japanese day workers thronged to his room.On the night of December 1st, he made a speech, 'After the Russo-Japanese War', at an Assembly Hall in the city. On the night of December 3rd, he and his fellow travellers headed for Oakland, arriving there after two days and nights.When he and his party arrived at 'the 16th St. Depot' in Oakland, they were welcomed warmly by Shigeki Oka (岡 繁樹), an anarchist from Kochi Prefecture, and many others. From thence the party made for the Union Ferry Depot in San Francisco where many young Japanese men were also looking forward to seeing Kotoku. The party was also met by many people at the Ferry Depot in San Francisco.Albert Johnson, an anarchist and formerly an engineer on a ferry boat, stretched out his hand to Kotoku. This was the first time for them to meet ever though, they had been corresponding with each other. Later Kotoku and Oka visited the U.S. branch of the 'Heiminsha' (平民社), 'the Association of the Common People', located at 680 Hayes Street, San Francisco. The association in Japan was ordered to dissolve though, the branch in SF was in existence. Kotoku and Tokiya Kato (加藤時也), a medical doctor, stayed in a larger room while Mr. and Mrs. Oka lodged in a smaller room in the basement.On the night of December 6th, a small gathering was held at the branch to discuss the future campaign. The following day, Kotoku and other comrades were invited to a tea party held at A. Johnson's home, 414 Lily Avenue, chatting the time away. On the 8th of the same month, Kotoku and others visited the Golden Gate Park accompanied by Seiichi Sagiya (鷺谷精一), a newsman at 'Nichibei' (日米). On the night of December 3rd, Kotoku was invited to a dinner party held at the Imperial Hotel(?) under the joint auspices of Nichibei and Shinsekai (新世界), the New World, in San Francisco.The next day a tea party was held at the same hotel. Some 50 men attended the party with George Williams, an organizer of the Socialist Party.On the same day Kotoku moved to Rose Fritz's home. She was an anarchist from Kiev, Russia. The dry lodgings was located at 537, Oak Street, a little away from Hayes Street. Kotoku's room was on the corner of the second floor. A. Johnson's home faced in the opposite direction. On the night of December 14th, Kotoku attended a small gathering of the Socialist Party at Mr Eitel's home. On December 16th, a speech meeting of the Socialist Party was held at night at the Golden Gate Hall (Sutter St.) with George Williams(the manager), C. H. King(the speaker) and so on. Some 400 people attended the meeting.After Sakutaro Iwasa (岩佐作太郎), a socialist from Chiba Prefecture, delivered the opening address, C. H. King talked about the general idea of socialism in plain English. Next Kotoku made a one hour and a half speech on the degradation, straitened circumstances of the Japanese at home, the necessity of universal suffrage, and putting socialism into action amid hearty cheers.On the night of December 20th, Kotoku had dinner with comrades downtown. Two days after this, he visited the headquarters of the Socialist Party(Howard St.), receiving a hearty welcome by the people relaxing there. On December 23rd, Mrs. Fritz came and talked about the necessity of assassinating rulers. The next day Kotoku took a bath at Johnson's. On Christmas Day(Dec. 25th), Kotoku was entertained at breakfast at Johnson's. Kotoku was confined to bed for the next few days because of a chronic catarrh attack.On December 26th, Sen Katayama (片山 潜), a socialist, showed up by chance at his room. On the 29th of the month, Katayama and Kotoku dined together at a restaurant on Market Street. The next day Kotoku saw him off at the Ferry Depot.On January 1, 1906, Kotoku met Weiden (a Swede) and Dr. Pyburn (an anarchist) at Mrs. Fritz's home. Kotoku, then visited the Heiminsha branch, where photos were taken. On the night of January 6th, a meeting of the Socialist Party was held at the Socialist headquarters' St. Marks Hotel. 409-8th Street, in Oakland. Some 200 people attended the gathering. After Macdavid, a newsman of' the Socialist Voice', harangued for half an hour on the necessity of solidarity of workers in all nations, Kotoku talked about the gist of socialism for about an hour.On January 21st, a universal international celebration of 'The Bloody Sunday' (Jan. 22, 1905, St.Petersburg, Russia) was held at the Maple Hall (14th and Webster Streets) with 400 in the audience. The meeting began with the Marseillaise and then J. B. Anthony (representative of W.W.W), Mr. Olive M. Johnson (the Social Labor Party), and Austin Lewis (the Socialist Party) made brief speeches. Finally Kotoku spoke on the Russian Revolution which went ahead of the world revolution. On the night of the 22nd, the same celebration was held at the Lyric Hall (Larkin St, Turkish St, San Francisco) with three times the audience in Oakland.On January 24th, Kotoku and others (Mr. and Mrs. Oka, Tokiya Kato, Katsuro Ōnishi, Yamauchi, Miss.Yuko Nomura, Minotaro Kawasaki ― a spy at the consulate general in SF), seven in all, had an outing at the Cliff House, enjoying drinks and ice cream. On February 23rd, Kotoku was given breakfast at Johnson's because he had a cold for 4 days. On March 3rd, Kotoku's nephew arrived in San Francisco from Seattle with a view to find day work.On March 22nd, Kotoku and Johnson visited the Public Library to borrow books. On April 1st, a lecture was given at the Heiminsha branch. On April 18th, San Francisco was hit by a heavy earthquake causing the people at Mrs.Fritz's to flee to vacant land. The buildings of the Heiminsha and Mrs.Fritz were saved from the fire. The next day Kotoku and others visited the ruins at Market Street.On April 25th, Kotoku went to Oakland accompanied by Tetsugoro Takeuchi (竹内鉄五郎), a socialist from Iwate Prefecture, spending a night there. Oakland was full of evacuees from San Francisco. The following day, Kotoku spent a half day taking a walk at Lake Merritt, returning to SF after that. On May 2nd, Kotoku vacated Mrs. Fritz's home and moved to the Namie Church (南美江教会) in Oakland, where he shared a room with Takeuchi. On May 31st, Johnson came and saw Kotoku at the Namie Church.On June 1st, Kotoku' and his 50 comrades organized 'Shakaikakumeito' (社会革命党), the Social Revolutionary Party, at the headquarters of the Socialist Party (Telegraph St.). On the fullowing day, Kotoku moved to the Heiminsha in SF to prepare for his return home. On the night of June 3rd, a small feast was held at the Namie Church in Oakland. On the night of June 4th, the newsmen at the Nichibei held a farewell party for Kotoku. On June 5th, Kotoku and Oka left San Francisco for Japan, embarking on the 'Hong Kong', arriving in Yokohama on the 23rd of the month.How Kotoku viewed America: his places of sojourn were exclusively limited to San Francisco and Oakland though, he seemed to have enlarged his acquaintance with actual life in the States either by conversation with different people or by referring to sundry literature. The general public in Japan regarded America as a free, rich country. Kotoku, however, judged the U.S. calmly. It is doubtful whether the Japanese in California were happy or not, he thought. Because our happiness depends on our circumstances, knowledge, and tastes. People in Japan have cares in life though, they have their own homes whereas most Japanese in the States are wanderers without happy homes. Homes are the source of happiness by which our poverty is healed. Wanderers are apt to lead a fast life. They lead the lives of a caravan in the desert. They hope for liquor, gambling, and prostitutes after their daily works. They are forced to live like a caravan to secure a livelihood.At the Heiminsha branch, symposiums were held, every Sunday night, on the issues of prices, morals, love, and religion, Kotoku himself thought that his comrades in America were Christians. But it fell short of his expectations. The majority of them were scientific socialists, Marxians. Even the Japanese living in the church cherished Marxist ideas, they were also panthesist. Before visiting America, Kotoku thought that it was a democratic state which had freedom of speech, press, and assembly, but he found it wasn't. People who challenged against government, public morals, and customs suffered persecution as in Russia and Japan. America is a free country for men of wealth and religionists but it is also a nation of oppression and persecution for workers.Why Japanese immigrate to America: the reasons are the Japanese government doesn't protect people and guarantee their lives. Land is always in sole posession of landowners. Smaller businesses are overwhelmed by the capitalist classes. While tenant farmers, wage workers grow larger, the gulf between the rich and poor is very great. Whereas impoverished provinces increase in poverty, people move to the larger cities seeking work or go to foreign shores.The future relationship between Japan and America: Kotoku thought that while U.S. money and goods flowed into Eastern countries like China, Korea, the Philippines and Japan, countries would make war on the market for goods as well as on the clash of interests. To avoid war and the ravages of it, we should stop economic competition. Only socialism serves as a prevention against future war because it entertains universal brotherhood regardless of differences of race and country.The 'Shakaikakumeito', organized in Oakland on June 1, 1906, aimed at a free, happy, and peaceful society. The party platform was the abolition of the system of economic competition, the common use of land and capital, the eradication of poverty and class distinction. The party also declared a grand plan of social revolution with joined forces of the whole world.The socialistic movement in Japan was still suppressed as a breach of public peace. On November 3, 1907, an open letter (menace) to the Emperor of Japan was scattered mainly in Japanese living quarters in Berkeley, Oakland, and San Francisco. The letter censured the Emperor on the persecution of socialists, his atrocities, and declaring retaliatory assassination of him. The letter was signed as 'The Anarchist Party, Men of Assassination'. The acting consul, Kazuo Matsubara (松原一雄) in San Francisco, examined the offenders by employing Minotaro Kawasaki (川崎巳之太郎) and Tetsuo Tatsumi (巽 鉄夫) as spies. On investigation, four men were disclosed as suspects: Tetsugoro Takeuchi, Tsunero Odanari, Sakutaro Iwasa, and Zenzaburo Kuramochi. The man who wrote the letter was supposed to be Tetsugoro Takeuchi (1883 ~ ?), a cook in Berkeley, the ringleader.On November 11, 1907, 'The Call' and 'San Francisco Chronicle' published the event in their newspapers. The Call's headline said ― 'Japanese anarchists in Berkeley plot to murder the Mikado, while the article headlined by the SF Chronicle ran ― 'Japanese Revolutionist Letter points out kinship with the Ape'.The four men escaped arrest because their behaviour was not in conflict with the Immigration Law and regulations.In August, 1908, two threatening letters were sent to Japan. One was addressed to the Nihonbashi Police Station, and the other was sent to the government. The letters mentioned the killing of the Prime Minister, key ministers of the Cabinet, a general on grand manoeuvers, and blowing up 5 iron bridges on the Tōkaido Railway.Bringing pressure on the freedom of speech, assembly, and labor movement in Japan finally led to high treason, which occured on May 25, 1910. A few socialists plotted to kill the Emperor on His Majesty's Birthday by throwing a hand granade at him. The authorities used this intrigue as a good opportunity to arrest key socialists on Japanese soil. The Crimjnal Code, Article 73 provides for the death penalty to offenders who try to harm the Emperor and the Royal family as well. Not only consummated assassination and attempted murder but also hatching a plot deserving death by hanging.Kotoku was not an active offender of the intrigue but a releasor. Article 73, however, orders the death penalty for the attempted crime. Shortly he was cooked up as being the ringleader of the plan and was sentenced to death. On January 18, 1911, 24 prisoners were sentenced to capital punishment. The next day 12 of them were commuted to imprisonment for life by special Imperial grace.Soon, on January 24, 1911, 11 men were executed, in 9 hours from 8 AM to 4 PM. The only female convict named, Suga Kanno, (管野スガ) [31] was punished by death at about 8: 20 the next morning. The mass protests against the execution pervaded the whole world.The origin of the high treason was an open letter to the Emperor, which caused irreparable disaster to comrades in Japan. When the Emperor was informed of the activities of socialists in Japan and abroad from a senior stateman named Aritomo Yamagata (山県有朋) 3 years before, he wished to control them strictly. Soon after Taro Katsura (桂太郎) formed the Cabinet with Yamagata' s support, he tightened the control of socialists yielding to the Emperor's wishes. Feud engenders another discord without end.Thanks are due to Nihontosho Center., university libraries, the National Diet Library, Diplomatic Archives Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Tokyo as well as to the Public Libraries in San Francisco and Oakland for their kindnesses.

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.63, no.3, pp.136-108, 2016-12

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学

雑誌

社會勞働研究 (ISSN:02874210)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.3, pp.234-270, 1994-02

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This article concerns the murder of a Japanese castaway named Denkichi (伝吉) who was born in Shiotsumura in the county of Kamo, Kishū province (紀州加茂郡塩津村), (the present-day Shiotsu, Shiotsu town, Wakayama prefecture).His background is obscure, but it seems to me he suffered many vicissitudes during his life.About 7 months after returning home, he was killed by the two samurais in Edo.He was then working for the British Legation in Edo as an interpreter.He was formerly one of the crew of the Eirikimaru (英力丸), a ship owned by Hachisaburo Matsuya (松屋八三郎), a resident of Ōishimura in Setsunokuni (摂津国大石村). In the early winter of 1850, the ship was on its way home from Edo, carrying a cargo of soybeans, wheat, walnuts and sardines pickled in sake lees.On the night of 2nd of December, however, she was overtaken by a storm and began to drift at the mercy of the waves.Seventeen men on board the ship prayed for divine protection, cutting their own topknots and sawing down the mast.Thereafter the dis masted ship continued drifting on and on to the southeast.Since the ship was carrying enough provisions, there was no fear of starvation.The drifting continued for about 53 days during which the Enrikimaru encountered great storms 9 times.Three of these storms were beyond description. However, the Enrikimaru was lucky enough to encounter and rescued by an American sailing vessel, the Auckland.On the 5th of march, 1851, after voyaging for 43 days, the ship finally pulled into the port of San Francisco.Soon after, the Auckland began unloading goods from Kwangtung (広東).The seventeen Japanese were, thereater, ordered to board the Polk (600t.), a steel-bound ship used by the U.S. custom house and they lived on the ship for about a year. On the 11th March, 1852, all Japanese castaways were ordered to board the St.Mary, a U.S. warship, and to start on their journey home.The U.S. Government had intended the rescued Japanese to accompany Commodore Perry's Japan expedition.The St. Mary arrived in HongKong on the 20th of May, 1852, dropping off en route at Hillo in Hawaii island where Manzo, a boatman, died of sickness and was buried there.Four or five days after their arrival in HongKong, the sixteen Japanese were ordered to embark on the Susquehanna (2450t.), the flagship of the U.S. East India Sqauadron.It was in the Susquehanna that the castaways met by accident another Japanese, Rikimatsu (力松), who had been shipwrecked in the autumn of 1834, and was then a resident in HongKong.The Japanese cantaways lodged in the Susquehanna towards the end of June during which she stopped at Hoang-pou (黄埔), in Kwangtung and Amoy (厦門), before returning to HongKong. As time went by, however, as the Japanese had no chance to return home, they decided to divide themselves into two parties.Seven men made up their minds to stay on the Susquehanna and the rest resolved to leave for Shanghai (上海) by land via Kwangtung, Nanjing (南京).Nine men (including Denkichi), who disembarked from the Susquehanna left HongKong for Kwangtung, were waylaid by footpads on a mountain path in Kieou-long (九龍) and robbed of everything they had.Consequently they had to retrace their steps to HongKong and they returned to the Susquehanna. In Septemher, 1852, the Susquehanna left HongKong for Kinxing-chuan (金星川) in Kwangtung, staying there until October.Thereafter three Japanese (i.e. Jisaku, Kamezo and Hikotaro alias Hikozo) left for America.In December of the same year, the Susquehanna left for Amoy and then headed for Manila in Luzon island, returning back to HongKong again. In the middle of January, 1853, the thirteen Japanese left HongKong for Shanghai on board the Susquehanna, arriving in Shanghai about one week afterwards.One day after arriving there a Japanese named Otokichi (乙吉) alias Ottosan had an interview with the Japanese on the Sasquehanna.He was also a castaway, who had been shipwrecked by a storm in November, 1830, then working for Dent and Co., (宝順洋行) as a clerk.Otokichi had been sent home once on the U.S. merchant vessel, 'Morrison', but had not been able to land in his native country.As a result he had long given up any idea of returning home and had resolved to help fellow countrymen wishing to go home.Both Otokichi and his wife (a Malayan?) showed every kindness to the thirteen Japanese when they received them. On the 8th of April, 1853, the thirteen Japanese left the Susquehanna through the good offices of Otokichi and they lodged in his house.Later they were hired by Dent and Co., as clerks and guardsmen. When the Mississippi (1692t.), under the command of Commodore Perry's Japan expedition landed at Shanghai, the Japanese tried to be get back to the U.S. warships.They thought it better to hide themselves somewhere for a while and if possible, they wanted to find a chinese junk which might take them to Japan. Not only Otokichi but the head clerk of Dent and Co., dissuaded them from going back to Japan, because it seemed still premature.However they stuck to their opinion.Otokichi was beaten and finally got permission to return home for them.In the meanwhile, three men (i.e. Ikumatsu, Kiyozo and Tomizo) ran away from Shanghai, proceeding to Zha-pu (乍浦), 108 km in the southwest of Shanghai in Tche-kiang province (浙江省). On the 27th May, nine Japanese, being accompanied by some officials, Otokichi and his wife, embarked in river boats, and made for Zha-pu.On arriving there, after a few days the Japanese were extradited by the authorities and were taken to a ship club, chuanhuisuo (船会所), where they met the three mates.The Japanese were confined in the club and had to put up with many inconviniences. It was on the night of 20th march, 1854, that Iwakichi fled from Zha-pu, leaving a note behind.His message was as follows; There was no hope of returning home.Since the food was poor, if lived there long how could they support their lives?So he wanted to escape from Zha-pu in order to find shelter in some country.His whereabouts remained unknown, though inquires were made. However it seems that he went first to Shanghai and later to Napha (那覇) in Lee Chew, in July, 1854."While the squadron was lying at anchor at Napha, a native of Japan, who was in Lee chew, in what capacity we know not, swam from the shore to the Lexington with a bundle of clothing, and begged to be received on board and to be brought to the United States"(1)The name of the Japanese is unkown, but he must have been Iwakichi.Though he had to land on shore again, however, he tried to be brought to the States again. When the flagship Mississippi was on her way home and at anchor at HongKong in July, 1854, Iwakichi begged to board the warship."On the return of the Mississippi to China, on her way home, another of the Japanese expressed a desire to visit the United States, and was gratified in his desire; this was the young man whom we have mentioned on a former page.This Japanese name is something like Dans-kevitch; but the sailors, with their usual fondnese for christianing those adopted into their loving family, soon called him Dan ketch"(2) On his return to China, Iwakichi betook himself to Kwangtung where he was hired as an interpreter by R.Alcock (1809-97), the first English Minister to Japan.On the 26th May 1859, Denkichi, R.Alcock and his suite arrived in Edo Bay.Denkichi was able to returm home after about 9years' absence.As regards his eleven mates left at Zha-pou, they left home on board the Chinese junk the Yuanbao (源宝), arriving safely in Nagasaki on the 20th August, 1854. R.Alcock established the British Legation at the Tozenji (東禅寺) in Edo.Soon after beginning to live in Edo, Iwakichi began professing to be a British subject, and conducting himself recklessly.He was short-tempered and arrogant, went on horseback, and dressed in foreign clothes.Sometimes his haughty attitude caused much troubles with auti-alienists and finally it cost him his life. It was on the 29th of January, 1860, that Denkichi was stabbed to death by two samurais wearing deep straw hats (worn by old-time Japanese to hide their faces) near the gate of the Legation. "On the 30th ultimo, between 4 and 5 o'clock in the alternoon, the Japanese linguist of this establishment (long absent from his country, wearing European costume), while standing at the gate, under the flag, was thrust through from behind with a short sword, which was left in his body buried to the hilt.The murder was committed in broad daylight, in a public place, with many people about, and yet the perpetrator escaped, nor has it yet been possible to obtain any trace of who it is".(3) Iwakichi was in fact the third victim killed by the anti-alienists, following the cases of killing and wounding three of the crew of the Russian squadron under the command of Count Mouravieff Amoorsky in August, 1859, as well as the murder of a Chinese manservant hired by José Loureiro, the French Consulate in Yokohama in November of the same year. It goes without saying that the perpetrators of the cases mentioned above were not arrested or punished by the authorities A few days after Denkichi's death, the funeral was held at the Korinji temple (光林寺) at Azabu in Edo, being attended by the legation staffs of the Powers and two Foreign commissioners of the Bakufu.The coffin of Denkichi was buried near at the grave of H.Heusken, the secretary and interpreter of Townsend Harris, the U.S. Minister to Japan.The inscription of the Denkicchi's gravestone reads illegibly as follows:DAN-KUTCI.JAPANESE LINGUISTTO THEBRITISH LEGATIONMurderedBYJAPANESE ASSASSINS.29th January, 1860.Notes:(1) Narrative of the Expedition of an American Squadron to China Seas and Japan, A.O.P. Nicholson Printers, 1856. page 497(2) ibidem., page 486(3) Mr.Alcock to Rear-admiral Hope, Yedo, February 4, 1860.

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会労働研究 = Society and labour (ISSN:02874210)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.4, pp.109-142, 1991-03

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.60, no.4, pp.206-156, 2014-03

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 = Hosei journal of sociology and social sciences (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.67, no.2, pp.1-166, 2020-09

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It was only after the Meiji Restoration (i.e. 1868), the start of a new government following the fall of the Tokugawa Shogunate, that the Japanese commenced to learn Western philosophy properly. But the Study of philosophy in Japan was primitive. Japanese had, however, only a few scholars who knew something about Western philosophy in the closing days of the Tokugawa government. Banri Hoashi (帆足万里, 1778~1851), the Confucian scholar and scientist, owned "Beginsels der Natuurkunde (The Principle of Physics), 1739" by Petrus van Musschenbroek. He could have found words "Wysbegeerte (i.e. philosophy)" or "Philosophie" by reading the preface of the book.Yōan Udagawa (宇田川榕庵, 1798~1846) was a person who studied Western sciences by means of the Dutch language and a researcher at the Bakufu's Institute for Western Learning in Yedo (nowadays Tokyo). He learned about "philosophia" and "metaphysica" by reading a handwritten copy of the "Seigakubon" (「西学凡」) by Giulio Aleni (艾儒略), an Italian Jesuit, in the Ming Dynasty. Rokuzo Shibukawa, (渋川六蔵,1815~51), the apprentice scholar at the Research Institute for Western Learning, translated the Dutch Words "philosofie" or "filosofy" into "費録所家".Amane Nishi (西 周, 1829~97), the apprentice scholar at the "Bansho shirabesho" (i.e. the Research Institute for Western Learning), had slight knowledge of Western philosophy presumably by reading "A Biographical History of Philosophy, 1845-1846) by G. H. Lewis. Prior to his departure for Holland in a bid for studying Western humane studies in the last days of the Tokugawa regime, he sent a letter, desiring to learn Western philosophy, to Prof. J. J. Hoffman at Leiden University, mentioning Descartes, Hegel, Kant etc. In Leiden, Nishi and his fellow student, Mamichi Tsuda (津田真道, 1829~1903), took private lessons under Prof. Vissering, studying mainly politics, economics and international law and so on for 2 years.While working for the new government after the collapse of the Tokugawa regime, Nishi ran a private school named "Ikueisha" (育英社) in Asakusa, Tokyo from 1870 to 1873, teaching his students about some Western philosophers and their theories. In his lecture he referred to kant's critique of cognition and his transcedental Reinen Vernunft as well. The name of Kant was expressed "韓圖" or "坎徳" in Chinese characters at that time.It has been almost 420 years since the Japanese started learning Western philosophy, however, it was suspended for centuries due to the ban on Christianity during the Tokugawa period. Tracing its introduction into Japan, we must go back to the time when Christianity found its way into our country in the 16 century. When Francisco Xavier (1506~53), the Jesuit missionary, and his followers landed in Kagoshima, Satsuma Province in 1549, the Japanese first learned about the ideas of Christianity and later on selected believers in the new religion started to study scholastic philosophy as well as Greek theology.Though we see lots of Portuguese or Latin words such as "Philosopho" or "philosophia" in the early Chiristian literature in Japan, we could not translate them into proper Japanese. Since we had no Japanese equivalent to them, missionaries were forced to use the original words.It was also at the Jesuit College at Kawachinoura (河内浦) in Amakusa-jima (天草島), a group of islands, west of kyūshū in the province of Higo, that Japanese theological students were first officially taught Western philosophy and Christian theology in 1599. The students then used Compendia compiled by the Spanish Jesuit, Petro Goméz in 1593 as their textbooks.Though Japanese Christians came in touch with Western ideas and lots of thinkers through Jesuit activities and books on Christianity, the newly started philosophical education in Japan broke down due to the ban on Christianity and to the national isolation promulgated by the Tokugawa government in the Yedo period (i.e. 17 century). But some of the scholars of Western learners in Japan had little bit of knowledge of Western philosophy in the dark age.Time flies. It was a German merchant named Carl Ernst Boeddinghaus (1834~1914) who brought the work by Kant to Nagasaki, Japan, in the 3rd year of the Bunkyu period (i.e. 1863). He purchased the second edition of "Antholopologie in programatischen Hinsicht abgefaßt von Immanuel Kant, 1797" in Germany, 1856, providing himself with this book on his trip to Japan. The book was found and bought in Nagasaki by Chōzo Muto (武藤長蔵, 1881~1942), a Professor at Nagasaki Higher Commercial School. Probably this was the first Kant book ever brought to Japan. Thus the German merchant played an important role in the propagation of German culture in Japan some 160 years ago.Nishi found not only Kant but called "philosophy" as "Tetsugaku" (i.e. 哲学) in Japanese. He enjoyed being named as an introducer of Western learning as well as Shigeki Nishimura (西村茂樹, 1828~1902), a bureaucratic scholar, in the early days of Meiji.Though Nishi sowed the field of German philosophy at his private school, the formal philosophical education in Japan began at Tokyo University founded in the 10th year of the Meiji period (i.e. 1877). Among "The Yatoi gaikokujin" (i.e. foreign employees) were found, Edward W. Style (1817~1870), an American Episcopolian, who first taught history and philosophy there.After him Ernest F. Fenollosa came and taught economics, politics, philosophy and sociology and so on the next year. He stayed in Japan for 8 years from the 11th year of the Meiji period (i.e. 1878) until the 19th year of the same. Fenollosa taught the philosophy of Kant in the second or third year class at the University. In succession to him, Charles J. Cooper (his age at birth and death is unknown), George W. Knox (1853~1912), Ludwig Busse (1862~1907) and Raphael von Koeber (1848~1923) taught German philosophy.Busse primarily used Kant's "Pure Reason" (Kritik der Reinen Vernunft, 1781) as a textbook whereas Koeber utilized "Critique of Judgement" (Kritik der Urteitskraft, 1790) and "Pure Reason" as texts.No essays or treatises on Kant were ever published from the early years of the Meiji period until about the 20th year of the same (i.e. 1868~1887) though, the periodicals and the public lectures contain only a slight mention of Kant. Books were silent on the philosophy of Kant.In November of the 17th year of the Meiji period (i.e. 1884), however a rare book titled "Doitsu Tetsugaku Eika" (『独逸 哲学英華』) written by Yosaburo Takekoshi (1865~1950), a historian and politician, was published by Hōkokudo in Tokyo. The author described the life of Kant and his theories using the German literature in the chapter of "Inmanyu Kantoshi" (「員蟆郵留韓圖子」) which extends over some 6o pages. This book is truly hard to read and a jargon though, it is the first essay on Kant in Japan.The first scientific essays or lectures on Kant began to appear from the start of the 20th year of the Meiji period (i.e. 1887) when the learned journal titled "Tetsugakukaizasshi" (『哲学会雑誌』) was published. From this time on the journal rendered great services in the philosophical world in Japan. It was in the mid-20th year of the Meiji period that scholars began studying Kant consulting the original texts. But their products were full of imitative nature wanting in originality. "T. T." an anonymous critic, commented on imitative tendency of Japanese academics.Rikizo Nakajima (中島力造, 1858~1918), a professor at Tokyo University, Enryo Inoue (井上円了, 1858~1919), the founder of the Tetsugakukan (nowadays Toyo University), Umaji Kaneko (金子馬治,1870~1937), a professor at Tokyo Senmongakko (nowadays Waseda University) began publishing their papers on Kant in the periodicals in the mid-20th year of the Meiji period (i.e. 1892-1896).In June of the 29th year of the Meiji period (i.e. 1896), Tsutomu Kiyono's "Hyochu Kanto Junrihihan kaisetsu" (『標註 韓圖純理批判解説』), commentary on Kant's "Kritik der Reinen Vernunft", was published by Tetsugakushoin in Tokyo. This was the first book on Kant published in the Meiji period. However it was criticized unfavorably saying it was merely refashioning of " Kant's Critical Philosophy for English Readers, 1889" by John P. Maffy D. D. and John H. Bernard B. D..From the 30th year of the Meiji period until the end of it (i.e. 1897 -1912), such scholars as Yoshimaru Kanie (蟹江義丸, 1872~1904), a professor at Tokyo Kotoshihan Gakko, Seiichi Hatano (波多野精一, 1877~1950), a lecturer at Tokyo Senmongakko, Masayoshi Marutomi (丸富正義, his age at birth and death is unknown), von Koeber (1848~1923), a professor at Tokyo University, Hajime Minami (三並良, 1867~1976), Takejiro Haraguchi (原口竹次郎,1882~1951), Wakichi Miyamoto (宮本和吉, 1883~1972), Yujiro Motora (元良勇次郎, 1858~1912) published their essays in different magazines. Remarkable research activities on Kant at the Tetsugakukan (哲学館) are worthy of notice because of the offering of correspondence courses.During the Meiji era (i.e. 45 years) only 20-plus essays and a commentary on Kantianism were published, though, the next Taisho period (i.e. 1912~1926), saw an explosive increase of publication on Kant in view of the Neo-Kantianism. Scholars took Kantianism as their own philosophy. At this point their studies on Kant deepened, however, they still showed a tendency to mimic habit. Some say that the Japanese are supposed to be naturalistic as well as positivistic by nature.German metaphysics does not suit their temperament. The slow advance of philosophy in Japan was due to the uncongeniality of disposition.Critics in the mid-30th of the Meiji period also pointed out our academical tendency of studying philosophy by imitation:scholars feel comfortable in receiving instruction from Germany. They always turn to others for assistance.

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 = Hosei journal of sociology and social sciences (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.47, no.1, pp.230-170, 2000-09

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.58, no.4, pp.278-201, 2012-03

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会労働研究 (ISSN:02874210)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.4, pp.p43-110, 1990-03

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.61, no.3, pp.304-156, 2014-12

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 = 社会志林 (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.57, no.4, pp.434-350, 2011-03

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 = Hosei journal of sociology and social sciences (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.66, no.1, pp.1-77, 2019-07

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.2, pp.140-87, 2004-12

著者

宮永 孝

出版者

法政大学社会学部学会

雑誌

社会志林 (ISSN:13445952)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.216-50, 2017-07