著者

魏郁欣

雑誌

東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, no.1, pp.63-93, 2015-06

---

The present article discusses the meaning of burial site geomancy (fengshui 風水) among the lineage organizations of Fujian Province during the Qing Period through an examination of perceptions regarding commemorative trees (fenshu 墳樹), planted on the burial site of ancestors, in a case study of the well-known Guo Family of Fuzhou.The research to date focusing on the lineage organizations of the region of Hua'nan, including Fujian and Guangdong Provinces and their fengshui-related burial customs has shown that in the process of erecting their ancestral tombs, trees were often planted on the sites and has interpreted this practice as preserving the burial site's fengshui balance to an extent of the trees' indispensability to maximizing the fengshui practical effect.In testing such an interpretation, the author investigates the recognition of fenshu by the Guo Family of Fuzhou, a lineage organization which produced a large number of successful civil service examinees during the latter half of the 19th century and was widely recognized as one of the region's elite families, reaching the following conclusions.To begin with, for the Guos, the planting of fenshu not only preserved the fengshui balance of their burial site, but also acted as a physical representation of burial site fengshui itself.As the result of proactively manipulating the symbolic character of fenghui based on the perception that "good" fengshui practices would symbolize prosperity for the family, while "poor" fengshui practices would represent a symbol for its decline, the Guos' existing status as an elite family continued to spread to every part of Fuzhou society, and enabled local residents to reaffirm before their own eyes the growing authority and prestige of the Guo Family.That is to say, working within the proactive involvement of the Guo Family in burial site fengshui-related practices were 1) the idea that fengshui itself was the direct cause of such worldly benefits as material prosperity, the birth of many sons and success on the civil service examination and 2) a way of thinking that through the symbolic nuances of fengshui and people's reaffirmation of them, the worldly benefits of prestige and authority would be indirectly enhanced.Therefore, through an examination of the relationship between lineage organization and fengshu in the case of the Guo Family of Fuzhou, the author points to the necessity of paying attention to the two aspects of the "practical effects" and the "symbolism" of fengshui.

著者

山本達郎

雑誌

東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.2, pp.289-296, 1940-02

著者

森岡康

雑誌

東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.1, pp.27-62, 1984-01

---

In 1637 (the fifteenth year of In-jo 仁祖), after being defeated by Ch'ing China, Korea became a Chinese tributary state. As one of the conditions of surrender, China issued an order that Koreans who wanted to redeem thejr captured relatives, who had been taken away to China as prisoners of war, should transact the trade at Shên-yang 瀋陽, the then capital of Ch'ing China, under the control of both countries concerned by paying the price asked by their Chinese owners. There were two types of redemption of captured Koreans: one in which the expenses for buying prisoners of war were paid by the national treasury, kung-shu 公贖, and another in which the expenses were borne by private persons, ssŭ-shu 私贖.Just after the surrender, to transact the trade of Korean captives with China, the Korean government dispatched government officials to Shên-yang, and private persons who wanted to redeem their captured relatives by themselves accompanied the officials. A huge number of Korean captives were gathered at Shên-yang and a market to transact the trade was organized. The Korean government resorted to every possible means to help the captives by lending money to private redeemers, by buying back poor captives who did not have any relatives to redeem them, and so on. These arrangements, however, eventually failed because of a sharp rise in the price of captives.The trade in prisoners of war in its later stages, which is the main topic of this article, was handled at the Shên-yang kuan-so 瀋陽館所, which was the residential place of the two Korean royal princes and their families who were taken to China as hostages as well as their retinue. The Shên-yang kuan-so also functioned as the Korean embassy in China. The following four characteristics are evident in the war prisoner trade at this stage:1. The Korean side gradually stopped providing money to buy back poor Korean captives due to a reduction in the availability of funds from the national treasury.2. The redeemed Korean captives were not released but retained by the government and put to work as officials and labourers.3. Chinese notables who owned Korean captives forced the Korean government to buy back them.4. The Shên-yang kuan-so forced the Korean government to pay money for run-away prisoners and to compensate them for any money owing on other redemption transactions demanded by the Chinese government.These characteristics clearly reveal the Korean government's change of attitudes towards the captives. At that time due to the sharp rise in the price of captives and the limitations added to the Koreans' entering to Shên-yang, it was almost impossible for them to redeem their captured relatives through due formalities. As a result, they often violated the regulations so as to help their relatives, causing many bad effects on the relations between China and Korea.As it is seen, the redemption of prisoners of war became more and more difficult for the Koreans, and finally in 1644 (the twenty-second year of In-jo), after the southward move of the Chinese capital from Shên-yang to Peking, it was abandoned. The issue of Korean war prisoner trade, nevertheless, had a severely harmful effect on Korean politics, society, and economics at that time and after.

著者

森安孝夫

雑誌

東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, no.4, pp.526-526, 1973-03