5 0 0 0 IR 周室東遷考

著者
吉本道雅
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.71, no.3, pp.253-276, 1990-03

This article is an attempt to reconstruct the concrete political process of the eastward-transfer era, bringing the trend of the Chou dynasty into focus, as much as possible, and to make clear the political circumstances of the Central Plain at that time. These circumstances conditioned the Hsiao-pa 小伯, or the "minor hegemony", of the Ch'i 斉 state, that preconditioned the hegemony of Huan-Kung 桓公 of the Ch'i state.The Zheng-yü 鄭語 of the Kuo-yü 国語 describes the ruin of Yu-wang 幽王 of the Chou dynasty, that caused the eastward-transfer. The Chou-pen-chi 周本紀 of the Shih-chi 史記 relies heavily on the Zheng-yü, but according to the Ku-pen Chu-shu-chi-nien 古本竹書紀年, the description of the contention between P'ing-wang 平王 of the Chou dynasty and the Jung 戎 nations and of the eastward-transfer to Lu-yang 洛陽 of 770 B. C. caused by this conflict is unreliable. Concerning the date when Lu-yang was made the capital the Shih-chi doesn't offer adequate information perhaps because the editor lacked sufficient original material. According to the Tso-chuan 左伝 commentary, it occurred after 738 B. C. So the description about these incidents of the Ch'in-pen-chi 秦本紀 and of the Wei-shih-chiah 衛世家 just as in the case of the Chou-pen-chi, are considered to have been secondarily created. The first stage of the eastward-transfer era was the time of the installation of P'ing-wang by the states of Shen 申, Lu魯and others in the Shen state. At that time, Huan-kung 桓公 of the Zheng 鄭 state conquered the area about Lu-yang, and proved himself independent of P'ing-wang and Hsieh-wang 携王. But Wu-kung武公 who succeeded Huan-kung submitted to P'ing-wang, and then, Wen-hou 文侯 of the Chin 晋 state supported P'ing-wang, and ruined Hsieh-wang. The second stage of the eastward-transfer era was the time of the loyalty of the Chin and Zheng states to the Chou dynasty. After the death of Wen-hou, civil war broke out in the Chin state. The Zheng state overwhelmed the states, namely, Shen, Lu and others, that installed P'ing-wang during the first stage, and transferred the control of the area about Lu-yang to P'ing-wang, and had him make Lu-yang the capital of the Chou dynasty. The third stage of the eastward-transfer era was the time of Zheng's monopoly of the influences to the Chou dynasty because of the civil war of the Chin state.From the eastward-transfer era to the early Spring and Autumn period, the major states expanded their territories. They attempted to bring the surrounding areas under their domination, and to subdue the minor states about them. The expansion of the major states made their conflict with each other constant, and made their control of the Kuo-jen 国人 unstable. This situation prompted drafting various treaties that ultimately aimed to settle these contentions. The "minor hegemony" of the Ch'i state was the expression of the integration of such treaties.
著者
山本達郎
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.21, no.1, pp.104-131, 1933-10
著者
津田資久
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.84, no.4, pp.393-420, 2003-03

This paper discusses the account of the fall of the Cao Wei 曹魏 imperial family (帝室) in the Weizhi 『魏志』 compiled by Chen Shou 陳寿 as a reflection of his political consciousness towards the Xi Jin 西晋 imperial family during the early part of the Taikang 太康 era of the reign of the Emperor Wu 武.At the time the Weizhi was compiled, it was a period of transition from a government of the imperial in-laws (外戚) under the Han 漢 dynasty to a government (輔政) of imperial clans (宗室) during the times after the Wei-Jin 魏晋. This tendency is reflected in Weizhi, as Chen Shou points out the origins of the fall of the Cao Wei imperial family as follows:1. The struggle over succession between Cao Pi 曹丕 (he was to found the Cao Wei dynasty and reign as Wendi 文帝) and his brother Cao Zhi曹植. 2. Cao Pi's later restraint towards the kin princes (至親諸王, his brothers).3.The government of imperial in-laws, and the installation of the empress from concubines.However, through a detailed examination of the descriptions in the Weizhi, we find emphasis put on the origin of the fall of the Cao Wei imperial family. In fact, it is a falsification of historical fact by Chen Shou. The author believes that Chen Shou's purpose was to emphasize the following lessons to be learned from the fall of the Cao Wei imperial family:I. Restraint towards the government of the kin princes.II. The exclusion of imperial in-laws from politics.III. A refutation of the installation of empresses from concubines who cause trouble for the order of Seraglios.Why Chen Shou dared to write such a description is because it was a mirror of the political situation during the early part of the Taikang era.① Excluding Wudi's brother Qiwang-You 斉王攸, who once struggled with Wudi over succession, from politics.② The rise of the Ynag Family (楊氏) of imperial in-laws, who planned to expel Qiwang-You from the central government.③ The problem of the Hu-guipin 胡貴嬪, an honored concubine, who had gained the favor of Wudi, exerted great influence on the succession.|
著者
齋藤勝
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.85, no.1, pp.65-90, 2003-06
著者
原田淑人
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.4, no.3, pp.413-422, 1914-10
著者
青山亨
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.77, no.1, pp.200-232, 1995-10

In the second half of the fourteenth century, the Majapahit court poet Tantular composed two major O1d Javanese kakawins, Arjunawijaya and Sutasoma. The former was composed sometime after the death of the powerful chief minister Gajah Mada in 1364, who epitomized the kingdom's expansionist policy, and the latter some time before the death of the king Rājasanagara in 1389. Between the two texts, there is a significant shift in contents and theme, which may be adequately accounted for by referring to the historical context in which they were created. The story of the Arjunawijaya, derived directly from the Rāmāyana cycle, is orthodox Hindu, despite an undercurrent of Buddhist ideology. It recounts that the just king Arjunasahasrabāhu subjugates the evil Rāwaṇa after a series of fierce battles. But his victory is impermanent as Rāwaṇa is spared and destined to become the foe of Rāma, underlining the uncertainty of the peace brought by the kṣatriya rule of force. It has been pointed out that one of the recurrent themes of the text is tension between a king and religious communities, and that this might be an implicit accusation of the Majapahit ruler's neglect of the clerical wellbeing during the expansionist days. The story of the Sutasoma, on the other hand, is based on Tantric Buddhism and is in effect an indigenous creation. The hero attains Buddhahood and the status of universal monarch simultaneously on account of the Tantric concept of non-duality, whereby the tension in the Arjunawijaya is theoretically reconciled, and resolves confrontations by the power of mercy. The practice of cross-cousin marriage is also advocated in order to strengthen the ties between royal families. The author suggests that the text is the poet's proposal for peace in anticipation of the increasing division among the Majapahit royal families which culminated in the civil war in 1406.
著者
小笠原弘幸
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, no.1, pp.86-112, 2008-06

Ottoman historians often claimed the existence of a close relationship between the Ottoman Empire and the Seljuk Dynasty, although no reliable contemporary source can show this relationship to be based on historical fact. Nevertheless, these accounts of such a relationship were of value because they provided legitimacy for Ottoman empire rule. The purpose of this article is to investigate how the Ottoman historians of the 15th and 16th centuries went about narrating this pseudo-genealogical relationship.During the 15th century, Ottoman historians stressed the Oğuz origins common to the Ottoman Empire and Seljuk Dynasty (see Yazıcıoğlu, Kemâl and Neşrî), and even invented a marriage between the Ottoman ancestor and the Seljuk royal family (see Enverî, Râdvûn and Ebû'l-heyr). These accounts worked as a means of legitimizing Ottoman rule in 15th century Anatolia, where many Turkish emirates claimed to be successors of the Seljuks.However, the narrative concerning the Seljuks drastically changed during the 16th century, with no Ottoman historian writing about the above-mentioned marriage and only a few (Bitlîsî, Nasûh and Lokmân) regarding the Seljuk Dynasty as Oğuz in origin. The most popularly supported non-Oğuz origin was Afrasiyab, the legendary Turkish king of Shāhnāme (see Bitlîsî, Küçük Nişancı and Lokmân), who was generally favored among such Persian historians as Mustawfī. Another possible ancestor was the Prophet Abraham (see Zaʻîm, Abû'l-ʻAbbâs), although no non-Ottoman historian ever mentioned any Abrahamic origins regarding the Seljuks. Some of the sources argued that the Turks originated from Abraham, however(see Jāhiz, Ibn ʻInaba).The author concludes from this examination that the change of narrative between the two centuries in question was caused by two factors: the political situation and historiographical trends. During the 16th century, the legitimizing force of the Seljuks was deemphasized, as the Ottoman Empire developed beyond the former territories of the Rum Seljuks and came under the stronger influence of Persian historiography.
著者
榎一雄
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.23, no.4, pp.590-604, 1936-08
著者
池田温
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.3, pp.293-331, 1960-06

In recent years, some works of Prof. N. Niida (仁井田陞) and Prof. W. Eberhard have added considerably to the study of the caste system (身分制度) of old China. Their studies of intra-caste marriage (Ebenbürtigkite) in hundreds noble families between the period of the Six Dynasties and the beginning of the T'ang Dynasty especially valuable in the study of the caste system of China, notwithstanding the former regards it as ancient aristocracy, the latter regards it as medieval gentry. The basic data for research on this question is the lists of county nobles found at Tun-huang. However, the qualification of this document as data has been in doubt, with Hsiang Ta (向達) and K. Utsunomiya (字都宮清吉) etc. taking the viewpoint that it is the Chên-kuan-Shih-tsu-chih compiled at the order of the Emperor T'ai-tsung and with Mou Jun-sun (牟潤孫) taking the viewpoint that it was forged by poverty-stricken member of famous nobles with the intention of raising the marriage price.After an inclusive study of materials concerning to this subject the author reached the following conclusions: 1) The following items discovered at Tun-huang are tables of county nobles which may be called Chün-wang-piao 郡望表 (lists of county nobles) and have no connection with the Chên-kuan-Shih-tsu-chih (貞観氏族志). A) 位字79號 (incomplete roll copied by a bhiksu Wu-chên in 836 A. D.). B) S.5861 (4 fragments) & P.3191 (incomplete). C) S. 2052. D) P.3421 (incomplete). 2) The records of distinguished family-names in many counties contained in the T'ai-p'ing-huan-yü-chi (太平寰宇記), Kuang-yün (廣韻) and Ku-chin-hsing-shih-shu-pien-chêng (古今姓氏書辯證), are also reckoned to have their sources in the lists of same category. 3) On careful comparison with the descriptions of several Sung (宋) bibliographies, we may identify A with the Chou-shih-tsu-p'u (諸氏族譜), and B and the list in T'ai-p'ing-huan-yü-chi with the T'ien-hsia-chün-wang-shih-tsu-p'u (天下郡望氏族譜). 4) These lists of county nobles have neither official nor authentic character, but are the products of popularity, and differentiating into some variations they spread over to wide people. 5) The intra-caste marriage system found in these lists has some reflection of the real circumstances in the former period, but on the other hand we can not deny it include the element of fiction. 6) The origin of these lists perhaps had any connection with the Clan-adjustment policy of Emperor Hsiao-wen of Northern Wei dynasty, and afterwards their diffusion has been continued in the decline period of nobilities.
著者
越智重明
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.73, no.3, pp.163-191, 1992-03

During the later Han period, in relation to the scale, a family clan had influenced the village community or officialdom, but hereditary family customs were still unformed and unreliable. Moreover, as the basis of a family structure, commonly married couples in daily life had children who were economically independent. In other words, they were small groups of tightly knit blood relatives. Furthermore, due to the distribution of family property, if direct line of descent was succeeded, there would be decreases in family property if the same method was to be used. Due to this situation, powerful clans held slaves, and tenant farmers were usurped, on the other hand personal property was constructively collected from the opposite sex and other clans to maintain the influential powers within the village community. This became the claim to fame, and referred as Chin and Yi. This relationship of personal kindness and gratitude became an essentia1 basis for powerful clans to maintain their influence during the later Han period. On the other hand, a necessity for maintaining personal property remained thus, a "mechanism" for allocating personal property remained with the Chin and Yi, therefore the definition cannot be accepted as commonly stated.
著者
蒲豊彦
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.88, no.4, pp.471-490, 2007-03

The twentieth century saw a fuming point in the colonial regime, at which time the administrator of British India changed the government's policy orientation from orientalism to reformism. In the area of education, the orientalist-anglicist controversy was one of highlights of this transformation. In an attempt to break the deadlock in the controversy, Charles Edward Trevelyan (l807-86), a fervent anglicist, forced the orientalists into an 1834 debate regarding the application of the Roman alphabet to vernacular languages in India. Basing his "for" argument on the necessity of popular education, he cited the universality of the Roman alphabet, several of its merits, and its benevolent effect on popular education. In addition, he related romanization to the formation of a genre of national literature and the cultural unification of the Indian people, saying, "Indian vernaculars and its literature will be enriched by supplies of words and ideas derived from English."As for the orthography of the Roman letters to be applied, Trevelyan abandoned the system created by John Borthwick Gilchrist, which was close to the standard at that time, in favor of that created by William Jones. Trevelyan said that Jones' scheme was more systematic and applicable to languages all over the world. Trevelyan's well-known inclination towards modern rationality and universality is clearly evident on this point.This controversy over English education was basically put to an end the following year by a memorandum written by Thomas Babington Macaulay, making the anglicists the victors. Thereafter, however, the Romanization project did not take off, for two reasons: 1) the controversy over Romanization was only one part of the English education debate, and 2) despite Trevelyan's plan being based on the promotion of popular education, educational administrators in British India chose not to pursue that direction after 1835.
著者
鷲尾祐子
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.1, pp.25-32, 2015-06

This paper considers the marital customs in Linxiang County, Changsha Commandery, through examining bamboo strips named Liminbo that were unearthed in Zoumalou (Changsha, Hunan Province); the period under consideration is the fourth to sixth year of Jiahe in the Wu Kingdom during the Three Kingdoms Era.Since it is easier for us to determine whether women were married or not, the following aspects are considered: their average age of first marriage, whether or not allot them were married, whether remarrying was common, and until what age they remarried.The average age of first marriage of women in Linxiang County was fifteen to twenty years old, which corresponds with the opinion of previous studies. Moreover, unmarried women in their twenties and thirties were extremely rare, and the large majority married by their twenties.Furthermore, the average life span in this period was around forty to fifty years, and the marriage rate of women who were to be married to men of the above age does not decline in their thirties, and only starts to decline in their sixties. Women in this era remarried after their husbands died, and it was common for them to continue remarrying until they were in their fifties. The fact that women got married for the first time in their late teens is related to their reaching childbearing age. Moreover, it seems that women could get married at a relatively old age due to the importance of their role in maintaining the household; they contributed to productive labor such as farming and also carried out much of the housework.
著者
白鳥庫吉
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, no.1, pp.143-143, 1916-02
著者
山口瑞鳳
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.1, pp.1-34, 1976-01

Tibetan traditions say that the thirty Tibetan characters were invented by Thon mi saṁbhoṭa, a minister under King Srong btsan sgam po, and that the same minister composed both Sum cu pa and rTags kyi ʼjug pa, works on Tibetan grammar.The clan name Thon mi occurs in Tibetan documents from Tun-huang, but the name of a minister, Thon mi saṁbhoṭa or Aanu'i bu, never does, either in the reign of Srong btsan sgam po or in later ones. There it is said only that the Tibetan characters originated at the time of Srong btsan sgam po.When compared to the contents of Sum cu pa and rTags kyi ʼjug pa, the Tibetan text of the stone pillar inscription of Zhol in Lhasa reveals some striking features, the most interesting of which is that the latter replaces 'kyi', the genitive particle explained in Sum cu pa, with 'gyi' in an places. Similar examples have been found in Tibetan documents from Tun-huang but are not conclusive as their dates are difficult to determine and they are prone to be affected by the scribes' education. The stone pillar inscription, unlike them, preserves the text of a royal decree ensuring hereditary privileges for the descendants of Ngan lam stag sgra khong lod, thus reliable enough to prove that then 'kyi' was not yet in common use. On the other hand, rTags kyi ʼjug pa states the rule of accordance of particles as "a neutral (ma ning) suffix (rjes ʼjug) is followed by a final particle that is a neutral character (ming gzhi)". This rule, which ceased to be widely adhered to after the adoption of new translation terms (skad gsar bcad), has left many examples in the inscription on the southern face of the Zhol stone pillar. Should Sum cu pa and rTags kyi ʼjug pa have been composed by one and the same person, they would fall between the end of the eighth century and 814. Other internal evidences show that Sum cu pa whose grammatical explanation is incomplete, is later than rTags kyi ʼjug pa. If we are to call the author of Sum rtags Thon mi saṁbhoṭa, he should be regarded not as the inventor of the thirty characters but as the composer of thirty ślokas…rTang kyi ʼjug consists of as many…sometime later than the reign of Khri srong lde brtsan, 742-797.
著者
小杉泰
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.76, no.1, pp.112-138, 1994-10

The exegesis of the Qur'an is an indispensable part of the history of Islamic thought, as all religions put importance upon the interpretation of their sacred texts. 'Ilm al-tafsīr, or the science of Qur'anic exegesis, is abundant in its resources both in classical and modem periods. This field, however, has been virtually ignored, until recently, in Islamic studies in the West as well as in Japan.In order to discuss each work in the field of tafsīr, we need a comprehensive framework for analysis. This article is an attempt to create a set of typological standards to differentiate the contents of each work and to analyze them. It proposes to differentiate tafsīr at three levels: in terms of the Qur'anic texts dealt with, (i) comprehensive, (ii) partial, and (iii) difficult words only; in terms of modes of exegesis, (a) word by word (in the order of the Qur'anic passages), (b) generic, and (c) by subject. In terms of methodology, (1) by other Qur'anic passages, (2) by Hadith, (3) by opinions of the early generations, (4) linguistic and grammatical, (5) theological, (6) philosophical, (7) legal and juristic, (8) mystical, (9) social, (10) by selection of the preceding exegeses, and (11) encyclopedic.Through examination of works from both classical and modern periods using these categories, it is strongly felt that these can be applied without separating the classical and the modern, and that the continuity between the two should be emphasized so that we can formulate a comprehensive view of tafsīr literatures.
著者
岡田英弘
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.4, pp.464-485, 1966-03