著者
岡田英弘
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.4, pp.464-485, 1966-03
著者
岡田英弘
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.48, no.3, pp.301-326, 1965-12

From 1547 till 1628, just before its conquest by the Manchus, Inner Mongolia was divided into six Mongol states each headed by a qaγan, namely Ordos, Tümed and Qaračin to the west and Čaqar, Inner Qalqa and Qorčin to the east of the Khingan Mountains, while Outer Mongolia was under the rule of three qaγans of Outer Qalqa. The royal families of all those states save that of Qorčin had descended from Dayan qaγan, himself a descendant of Činggis qaγan. Such an important historical personage as he was, it has not yet been determined just when he lived and died. There are ten Mongol chronicles, all composed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, that report on his reign. Three of those are found to have best preserved the historical traditions of the aforementioned states, quite independent of each other: Erdeni-yin tobči of Ordos, Altan tobči of Tümed and Ganga-yin urusqal of Čaqar. The Tümed chronicle is the most accurate in chronology up until the reign of Manduγuli qaγan who died in 1479. His successor, Dayan qaγan''s father Bolqu ǰinong, is reported to have died in 1487 in a contemporary Chinese source, Ming Hsien-tsung Shih-lu. As for the length of Dayan qaγan's reign, both Altan tobči and Gangga-yin urusqal give 37 years. Thus the date of his death falls in 1524, one year after the death of his eldest son Törö bolad, who is said in the Ordos chronicle to have died before the father. After Dayan qaγan's death, his third son Bars bolad ǰinong took over the throne, according to the Čaqar chronicle for one month, but Bodi alaγ, son of Törö bolad and the rightful heir, backed by the left-wing tribes, forced him to retire. Erdeni-yin tobči reports that Bars bolad died in 1531, seven years later. All the three Mongol chronicles and a Chinese source, Ming Hsien-tsung Shih-lu, concur in asserting that Bodi alaγ qaγan died in 1547, that is, 23 years after his grandfather's death, and this is the very number Altan tobči gives for the duration of his reign. Thus it is established that Dayan qaγan was on the Mongol throne from 1487 till 1524. As for the date of his birth, 1464 is preserved in the Ordos chronicle, most probably culled from an old genealogical work. Judged from ages of his sons and grandsons, especially that of Bodi alaγ qaγan, this date is quite reliable, while earlier birth-dates of Dayan qaγan's predecessors are all false, often anachronistic, suggesting that he was the first one in the original family-tree whose birth-date was recorded.
著者
徐仁範
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.82, no.1, pp.1-28, 2000-06

There are two crises which endangered the capital city of Beijing during Ming dynasty. One happened in 1449, at the reign of King Zhengtong (正統帝), when Oirat, a Mongol tribe, invaded under Esen (也先) which was called the Tumu (土木) Incident. Another is Tatar's invasion called Gengxu's (庚戌) Incident.The basic military system of Earlier Ming called Weisuozhi (衛所制) originated in Junhu (the Military Drafting Books, 軍戸), but, in the middle period, the system had been weakened because of the deserters, defeats and other reasons. It was at that time when Tumu Incident happened, and Jingying (the Capital Defense Army, 京営) collapsed. To rebuild devastated national defense system, the Dynasty enlisted from Minhu (the Civilian Books, 民戸) of noncombatants. This was an emergency measure and a tentative decision because traditional army draft laws had proclaimed as "Don't disturb between Junhu and Minhu," and only mobilize Junhu soldiers. with this fundamental reorganization of military drafting system, Ming dynasty also institutionalized the volunteers and the people's army to intensify the capital defense and the Northern Frontier lines.In conclusion, after the middle period of the dynasty, Ming's military draft system had been relying mainly on Weisuozhi as the main pipe pine with the help of the volunteers, the people's and the enlisted army.
著者
洪性珉
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.1, pp.63-89, 2016-06

In the study of the Liao 遼 Dynasty's governance of the Yanyun 燕雲 region one important historical source is an account concerning tax reductions implemented by Liu Liufu 劉六符 in the Yanyun region contained in Lu You's 陸游 notebook entitled Laoxuean Biji 老学庵筆記. Although the research to date has questioned the reliability of this account, it has failed to explain why Lu You would have included such a dubious account among the historical records he copied into his notebook. In this article, the author, through a comprehensive study of the historical records related to the Liao Dynasty contained in Laoxuean Biji and another Lu You notebook entitled Jiashi Jiuwen 家世旧聞, attempts to clarify the origins of the tax reduction account. As the title, Old Recollections About Family History, implies, Jiashi Jiuwen is a collection of narrative passed on to Lu You from his grandfather Lu Dian 陸佃 and father Lu Zai 陸宰. Some of the volume's information pertaining to the Liao was provided by Lu Dian's recollections concerning his experiences while dispatched to the Liao court. Due to the fact that Lu You wrote a postscript to Lu Dian's accounts of those experiences entitled Shilao Lu 使遼録, the author concludes that the information in Jiashi Jiuwen must have extracted from Shilao Lu, which has been lost. Returning to the tax reduction account in Lu You's Laoxuean Biji, the author points to the personage of one Liu Xiao 劉霄, who was the grandson of the same Liu Liufu who enacted the tax reduction and an acquaintance of Lu Dian while the latter was at the Liao court. Liu Xiao was probably the person who informed Lu Dian of his grandfather's accomplishment in the Yanyun region. Finally, the author takes up the authenticity of the "tax reduction account." By refuting its part about Liao Emperor Xing following any advice given by Liu Liufu during his negotiations with the Song Dynasty concerning increases in annual payments, Qing Period bibliographical scholar Bi Yuan 畢沅 denied the reliability of the "tax reduction account" in its entirety. However, the author refers to other sources in concluding that there are other parts of the account that ring true, meaning that the account can be used as a historical source in combination with other evidence. For example, the account is an excellent source for understanding that internal politics and diplomatic policy of the Liao Dynasty were linked organically to winning the consent of the Han-Chinese people of Yanyun. Furthermore, the account is extremely valuable for observing not only the Liao Dynasty's governance of Han-Chinese regions and the international relations surrounding it, but also its character as a nomadic state.
著者
片倉鎮郎
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.2, pp.1-25, 2015-09

The East African dominions of the Arab dynasty Būsaʻīd centering on Zanzibar experienced a commercial heyday in the midst of the flourishing maritime trade of the mid-19th century. Following the entry of North American and European merchants into East African waters beginning in the early part of that century, a Būsaʻīdī-British commercial treaty was concluded in 1839. This article attempts to clarify the yet-to-be-examined process of the establishment of the British consular court in Būsaʻīdī East Africa through an analysis of British Indian sources from two distinct epochs.The first epoch, dated a few years before and after 1842, marked the arrival of the first British consul in Zanzibar. Through an examination of cases occurred at that time concerning criminal behavior, which was not covered by the treaty, the author finds that both the Būsaʻīdī and British authorities handled the cases with mutual deference, as exemplified by measures taken by the Būsaʻīdī sovereign in one case and the surrender of an Englishmen accused of murder. Regarding both criminal and civil cases after that epoch, a custom was being formed based on the principle that a defendant's nationality determined the court of jurisdiction.The second epoch, dated a few years before and after 1866, was marked by the procedures of the consular court becoming part of English domestic jurisprudence. The demands of the British consular officers who had been forced to determine criminal justice without any ground in English law deter- mined the legislation concerning the consular court at Zanzibar. An increase in both the number of and the amount claimed in civil suits filed at the court after the legislation clearly shows expanding use of the court as an option for the settlement of disputes. The research to date on the consular court presents a fairly linear account of increasing British influence in Būsaʻīdī East Africa after the conclusion of the commercial treaty, ending with the sultanate's eventual subjugation as Zanzibar Protectorate. However, as the author has shown, the institutional framework of the consular court at Zanzibar was by no means completed in one single stroke, nor was it entirely forced upon the Būsaʻīd by the British. Rather, this framework was formed gradually over a span of 30 years through the careful handling of actual cases by the both authorities via negotiations conducted between them.
著者
黄イェレム
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.2, pp.61-89, 2016-09

Translations of the Bible into Chinese and the Confucian Canon (四書五経) into English were first completed by Protestant missionaries during the 19th century. Although it is understandable why missionaries translated the Bible, why they worked to translate the Confucian Canon into English is not so apparent. This article explores the reasons for and the context in which the first English translation of one of the Confucian Canon, Analects, entitled The Works of Confucius was published in 1809 by Joshua Marshman, an English Baptist missionary to India, by considering the background to Marshman's Chinese translation of the Bible, as well as the social-political climate of the time. The present scant Chinese research dealing with the context of Marshman's translation endeavors has only viewed the situation from Marshman's perspective. This article searches for a broader context. The author's analysis of the 19th century sources including the writings of the clergyman of the Church of England and those of the Serampore Baptist missionaries makes it clear that whether it be the Chinese Bible or the English Analects, Marshman's translations were deeply related to English East India Company (EIC), the most influential political force in Bengal. In 1800, the College of Fort-William was established for the education of EIC's junior functionaries, and Oriental languages were included in the curriculum. In addition, a project to translate the Bible into Oriental languages was promoted by the clergymen of the Church of England who were the College's provost and vice-provost. Baptist missionaries also joined in the project. The College set up its Chinese language program in the consideration of both political/commercial needs and the translation of the Bible hiring a Macao-born Armenian. However, in the situation in which the Court of Directors (EIC) was opposed to the College and planned to curtail its operations, Chinese education and the Chinese Bible translation project were transferred to Serampore, where Marshman took the responsibility for the translation work at the suggestion of the College's vice-provost. Turning to the question of why Marshman had no alternative but to publish an English version of the Confucian Canon, the author points to changes that were occurring in society during that time, in the form of a violent anti-missionary atmosphere created by political and social events, in particular, the Vellore Mutiny of 10 July 1806. In light of these factors, the Bible translation project of the College of Fort William was suspended. Moreover, the newly appointed Governor-General implemented anti-missionary cultural and religious policy. Under this anti-missionary social mood, Marshman set up a non-religious project to publish an English translation of the Confucian Canon, which enabled him to successfully obtain official support and monetary assistance from the Governor-General of British India and Bengal EIC members. In his The Works of Confucius (Vol.1) that is the translation of Analects (Section 1 to 10) and includes the original Chinese text, Marshman focused on an analysis of the Chinese characters and sentences. It means that Marshman intended to meet a need for a Chinese language learning instrument for the EIC as well as to aid his religious project, i.e., Chinese Bible translation and publication, in the sense that it was a useful medium to deepen his understanding of the Chinese language and Chinese text printing was attempted.
著者
伴真一朗
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.4, pp.1-25, 2016-03

This article examines the relations between Mongolia and Tibet during the first half of the 17th century, focusing on the lords of Zina 西納, a clan of Amdo Tibetans surrounded by the three forces of Ming dynasty, Central Tibetans, and Mongols.From the reign of Altan Qaγan (1507–82) on, the Right wing of Mongols, which have migrated to the Amdo region in northwestern Tibet, formed monk-patron relations with the Gelukpa Sect of Tibetan Buddhism and contributed to the formation of the Dalai-Lama Administration in Central Tibet.Since Amdo was situated on the border with China, the Ming Dynasty had established there in the 14th century as native officials tusi土司 by Ming dynasty of indirect rule through local chieftains, including the lords of Zina. The Right wing of Mongols who advanced into Amdo attacked the indigenous Tibetan population and seized their herds.The lords (tusi) of Zina fended the Mongols off with military assistance from the Ming Dynasty and thus formed China's frontline of defense against the Mongols. On the other hand, once having pledged their patronage to the Gelukpa Sect, the Mongols assumed an attitude of peace towards the lords of Zina, who were also followers of Tibetan Buddhism, albeit of the Sa-skya-pa sect.Then under the religious influence of the Mongols, the lords of Zina grew closer to the Gelukpa Sect and lent it economic assistance in its missionary activities in the Amdo region.By maintaining their military alliance with the Ming Dynasty and utilizing the monk-patron relationship between the Mongols and the Gelukpa Sect, the lords of Zina conducted a triangulated policy of diplomacy that guaranteed their survival.Within the Mongols advance into the Amdo region, the activities of the lords of Zina, who formed links with the Gelukpa Sect in Central Tibet, offer the historian an extremely interesting case when considering the origins of the relations between Amdo and central Tibet after the formation of Dalai-Lama Administration.
著者
岩田啓介
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.1, pp.99-124, 2016-06

This article investigates the actual situation surrounding the way in which the Qing Dynasty established its rule over the Mongols of Qinghai in the second year of the Yongzheng Era (1724). The research to date has shown the framework of Qing rule, including the League-Banner (盟旗) system, while the present article focuses on the dissolution of the Qinghai Mongol subjugation of the Tibetans and how the League-Banner system was actually utilized, in order to clarify Qing rule within the fluid situation characterizing Eurasia at that time. When the Qinghai Mongols were subordinated under the Qing Dynasty, the Qing court then dissolved the ruler-subject relationship between the Qinghai Mongols and the Tibetans. This dissolution policy, which had been under deliberation at the Qing court since the Kangxi Era (1662–1722), was designed to stabilize the Dynasty's rule over Qinghai. On the other hand, since this same policy caused the impoverishment of the Qinghai Mongols by preventing them from exploiting the Tibetans, Emperor Yongzheng provided generous economic aid in the form of awards of silver, in order to prevent them from seceding from China. After opening hostilities with the Zunghars at the end of the 8th year of Yongzheng (1730), the Qing Dynasty ordered ten thousand troops to be mobilized by the niru (佐領) banner chieftains of the Qinghai Mongol population to act as a border defense force. However, some of those chieftains had misgivings about such a large scale mobilization, took flight and revolted against the Qing. In response, Emperor Yongzheng, perceiving the Court's economic support had been insufficient, decided to reduce the number of troops to be mobilized and turn mobilization over to specific banner chieftains appointed by the Qing Dynasty as jasak (扎薩克). Although such conditions on the ground forced the Qing Dynasty to economically support the Qinghai Mongols and to make compromises concerning how to utilize the League-Banner System, these measures were judged to have destabilized the ruler-subject relationship between the Qinghai Mongols and the Tibetans, and led to their complete dissolution. By focusing on the fluidity in the transition to establishing stable rule over the Qinghai Mongol, the author has brought into relief one aspect of Qing Dynasty rule; that is, changing the status quo through flexible operation of existing governance mechanisms.
著者
矢久保典良
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.4, pp.31-58, 2016-03

During the 2nd Sino-Japanese War, the fact that life in Chinese Muslim communities centered around mosques (qingzhensi 清真寺) dispersed throughout the country by no means implies that Muslims were isolated from the political power and society outside their communities. The research to date on Muslims and Muslim communities during wartime mainly emphasizes the aspect of their anti-Japanese resistance activities, efforts to rescue the nation from foreign danger and their overall patriotism, in an effort to maximize their contributions to the Chinese war effort. However, for Muslims, the political environment created during wartime could not be separated with their daily lives and religion. Therefore, more attention should be paid to the many diverse aspects of the relationship between Muslims and the War.For example, during the War, the Chinese Islamic National Salvation Association (中国回教救国協会), a social and religious organization aiming at the integration of Muslim society through the management of mosques, was of the opinion that mosque management should attempt to link politics with religion. This article is an attempt to clarify the perceptions and programs of the Association about mosque management under wartime conditions, by focusing on the process by which its management system was put into effect. The ideals espoused by the NSF were reflected in its Methods for Mosque Management, a plan conceived in the midst of the Republic of China's attempts to deal with structural problems surrounding state religious regulation and internal mosque affairs during wartime. The Association looked upon insufficiencies in mosque management mechanisms as detrimental to improving how religious affairs were conducted and was of the opinion that its Methods of Management would overcome such insufficiencies. The Association's system first tried to advance the organization of individual Muslims and the integration of their internal affairs, an issue that had arisen during the early Republican era, through improvements in mosque management. Then there was the aspect of government supervision and regulation of Islam and its places of worship. Although the Association took the opportunity offered by the government's attempt to regulate religion to present its views concerning mosque management, its motivation was clearly based on the conviction that there were problems that needed solving within the internal affairs of mosques.
著者
海野洋平
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.2, pp.91-122, 2016-09

The fragments (pièces) accompanying three scrolls for students (xuelang 学郎) in the Dunhuang manuscript collection kept at the Bibliothèque nationale de France (namely, Pelliot chinois 3349, 3368, and 4019) were attached on their scrolls as mending paper. Eighteen of them have been found to be parts of a hay tax payment record (nacaoli 納草暦) dating to late 9th century Tang China. The task of restoring them, which is the topic of the present article, involved a comparison of names seen on the fragments with those found on two other contemporary documents, "List of Persons from the Sub-districts of Sha Prefecture with the Number of Bundles of Firewood in Arrears" (沙州諸郷欠枝夫人戸名目; Pelliot chinois 3418 verso, not dated but presumed late 9th century) and "Household and Landholding Ledgers of Sha Prefecture" (沙州戸口受田簿; the manuscript formerly in the possession of late Luo Zhenyu (羅振玉) and Pelliot chinois 3384, dated Dashun 2 [891 CE]). The results of the project are as follows. More than half of the pièces were successfully incorporated into the hay tax payment record as follows: "List of Persons from the Sub-districts of Dunhuang District of Sha Prefecture with the Number of Bundles or Wagons of Hay paid by each" (沙州敦煌県諸郷納草暦; not dated but presumed late 9th century) Sub-district (xiang 郷) Pelliot chinois # Fragment Match Cihui 慈惠1 4019 pièce 2b+pièce 2k+pièce 2c+pièce 2aunidentified 2 4019 (just next to pièce 2a) +pièce 2g+pièce 2l Mogao 莫高2 4019 pièce 2e+pièce 2d 3349 +pièce 3 Chixin 赤心2 3368 pièce 2・pièce 3Pingkang 平康 4019 pièce 3 Hongchi 洪池 3368 pièce 4 Yuguan 玉關 1 Its heading is missing extremely from pièce 2b. 2 Their headings are found nowhere on the fragments. The remaining fragments (P.4019 pièce 2f, pièce 2h, pièce 2i & pièce 2j, P.3349 pièce 3, and P.3368 pièce 5) could not be matched with any pièces in the table above. These findings reveal the three text-scrolls of various genres for students were repaired on one occasion, probably in the early 10th century, and also strongly suggest that the scrolls formerly belonged together as part of one collection in one school and was handled constantly by the students in their daily learning.
著者
三浦雄城
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.1, pp.1-29, 2016-06

Under the Han Dynasty, which ruled China for about four centuries, the forces of Confucianism gradually expanded, reforming dynastic institutions in line with its classics and doctrines, then forming a completely new system during the Later Han Period, a process often referred to as the "Confucianization of state religion."Confucianism as a state religion has provoked a great deal of discussion, which can be divided into two separate veins: 1) consideration of the position of Former Han scholars of the Five Classics (wujing boshi 五経博士) as the purveyors of official learning within "Confucianization" and 2) the study of the relationship between the state (emperor) and society with respect to divination (chengwei 讖緯) and the reform of institutions regarding ritual. In order to link these two veins together it would be necessary to clarify to what extent Confucianism permeated the image of the emperors, state institutions and social values by examining at least two questions: 1) in what manner did Confucian learning advocated by Confucian bureaucrats contribute to reforming institutions regarding ritual, thus bringing chengwei ideology to fruition, and 2) whether or not such learning, including chengwei, was effectively assimilated by the Later Han state and society.This article is an investigation of the relationship of Confucianism with the state (emperor) and society revolving around ideas concerning auspicious phenomena (furui 符瑞), which were closely related to ceremonies performed by the the Former Han emperors during the winter and summer solstices on the outskirts of the capital (jiaosi 郊祀), while also considering the formation of chengwei ideology.The jiaosi which developed during the reigns of Former Han emperors Wen-Di 文帝 (203–157 BC) and Wu-Di 武帝 (156–87 BC), involving the worship of Heaven (winter) and Earth (summer) through shamanistic practices, were held by the emperors to produce auspicious phenomena. Meanwhile, those Confucians who had expanded their influence within the bureaucracy during the reigns of Zhao-Di 昭帝 (94–74 BC) and Xuan-Di 宣帝 (91–49 BC) were successful in conjuring up the image of rulers who were able to invoke auspicious phenomena, by adding the benefits of their virtue to Heaven, Earth and all things in between through cheng 誠. It was against this background that the Confucians during the reign of Cheng-Di 成帝 (51–7 BC) and Ai-Di哀帝 (25–1 BC) requested that jiaosi divination rituals be performed. Wang Mang's 王莽 success in overcoming the obstacles to institutional reform during the reign of Ping-Di 平帝 (9 BC–AD 6) was due to a change in attitude emphasizing the Confucian texts interpreted during Cheng-Di's reign by Liu Xiang and Kuang Heng, who had added mystical aspects to the classics, resulting in the incorporation of the prolific ideas about auspicious phenomena found the Weishu 緯書 genre of works, which was argued to have been written by Confucius himself. Through this process, xiao 孝 was also linked to Heaven and Earth through cheng; and its purported ability to bring about auspicious phenomena was also incorporated into Wang Mang's reforms of jioasi and its Later Han forms. At the debates over Confucianism held in the palace's Baihuguan 白虎観 during the reign of Zhang-Di 章帝 (AD 57–88), it was officially recognized that the emperors inherited the order of providence in the jiaosi manipulation of xiao and the existence of their ability to bring about auspicious phenomena, by adding the benefits of the virtue of xiao to Heaven, Earth and all things in between.
著者
斯波義信
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.1, pp.289-317, 1985-03

Famine relief in Imperial China was one of the integral social functions, that the people expected the government to fulfill. Meanwhile, it has come to be known recently, that the disaster which frequented traditional China so often, rarely occurred on a nation-wide scale. This finding suggests that the topic of famine relief should be properly studied in the context of regional settings—with due specification of when and where famines occurred, what were the patterns of distribution of wealth, resources and population in the area affected by the disaster, what was the level of intra- or inter-regional trade, what institutional framework there was at the regional level to cope with the problem, and who then took the initiative in such a framework.In this essay, the author attempts to investigate the case of Han-yang 漢陽 in the years of 1213 and 1214 when the prefecture suffered from heavy drought. At the time, the resources in the Middle Yangtze region remained less utilized as a whole. But, the demand for provisioning a big army corps stationed at Ê-chou 鄂州 (present-day Wuchang) gave encouraging impetus to the rise in a thriving regional trade centered around Ê-chou. As Han-yang was located close to Ê-chou, on the opposite bank of the Yangtze river, both demand and supply of necessities for the people of Han-yang came to rely heavily upon the functions discharged by regional commerce. When a year-long drought hit Han-yang, Huan Kan, the magistrate of prefecture and a renowned disciple of Ch'u Hsi, took the initiative in the fight against the calamity. He mapped out an excellent plan. For the relief of those who could not sustain themselves, he ordered to sell at reduced price the rice he gained through prompt purchased from merchants or by appropriating rice from storage granaries.As to the needs of the poor, beggars and short-term migrants from other drought-stricked areas, he supplied them with free rice derived from emergency-granaries. The reasons why this measure won eventual success may be attributed partly to the excellence of the plan itself and partly to his good fortune in inheriting a handsome amount of storage-rice which his predecessors accumulated in the official granaries. The detailed records of his relief measure, discussed in this essay, throw light upon many of the dark problems surrounding what the actual socio-economic conditions were like in the region of the day.
著者
市来弘志
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.75, no.1, pp.125-137, 1993-10
著者
長峰博之
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, no.4, pp.405-412, 2009-03

The so-called "Qazaq khanate" was founded around the late 15th century by Jani Beg and Giray, who claimed descent from Oros of the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī. The foundation of the "Qazaq khanate" has been the subject of animated discussion, which, unfortunately, has been marred by a historical view about the ethnic origins of the present "Kazakh nation." The aims of this article are 1) to reconstruct the historical record from the time of the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī to the foundation of the "Qazaq khanate," based mainly on Qädir 'Alī Beg's Jāmi' al-Tawārīkh written at the beginning of the 17th century as a historical account of the successive polities of the ulūs-i Jūchī, and 2) to reconsider the foundation of the "Qazaq khanate" in relation to the disintegration and reorganization of the ulūs-i Jūchī. The left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī was revived by Oros of the Tuqa Timurids in its disintegration and reorganization of whole ulūs-i Jūchī, which began in the late 14th century, and proceeded to dominate the eastern Dasht-i Qipchāq again during the lime of Baraq in the early 15th century. Although it is said that the "Qazaq khanate" was founded as a new polity during the time of Jani Beg and Giray in the late 15th century, it was actually a nomadic polity which succeeded to the left hand of the ulūs-i Jūchī revived by Oros. According to the sources, Jani Beg and Giray acted like "卯z匈"s in lheir rivalrieswith the Shibanids, and therelbre came to be caUed "卯z向."However,lhedescriptions in "漏削j'α/-712waj・疏ゐ"and other sources reveal that they werehistorically idenlified as the Orosids who succeeded to the left hand of lheu珀s-j jziai, rather than as "卯z向"s, and thus within the Juchids. Theref1〕re,the "Qazaq khanate" should be considered as a nomadic polity with orosidstaking over the len hand of the las-j jzicゐi at its core, in the process of lhedisintegrationand reorganization of the zl/iis-iJicM.
著者
大石真一郎
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.78, no.1, pp.95-120, 1996-06

This paper attempts to examine the social and political situations of the Turkic Muslims, who are now called Uygur, at Kashgar in the early twentieth century and their reformist movement.After Ismail Gasprinski, the Crimean Tatar reformist, opened a model primary school at Bakhchisaray in 1884, his new-method (usul-i jaded) education had an important effect in the Muslim regions of Russia, the Ottoman Empire, and so on.Husayn and Baha'al-Din. the brothers of the Musa Bayof family, whose native place was Ustun Artush in the suburb of Kashgar, were representative millionaires in Eastern Turkistan (Sinkiang). They endeavored to introduce the new-method education, and opened schools at Ustun Artush and Gulja in 1908 at the latest. At Kashgar, the reformist 'ulama ʻAbd al-Qadir Damulla also established a new-method school in 1912.But, the reformist movement was severely hampered by conservative 'ulama and influential persons at Kashgar. The activities of the Turkish teacher, Ahmed Kemal, who had been sent by "the Committee of Union and Progress" and opened a new-method normal school at Ustun Artush under the assistance of the Musa Bayofs in 1914 made clear the conflicts among the Muslims. 'Umar Bay who had rivaled the Musa Bayofs in commerce was one of the conservative leaders. He made approaches to the Chinese authorities and the Russian consul to suppress the reformists. Especially during World War I, the authorities were also fearful of the Pan-Turkic and Pan-Islamic inclination of Ahmed Kemal's education.Though the authorities were cautious about the reformist movement, the native reformists actually never verbally nor physically oppose the Chinese rule, for, in those days, their objectives were limited to reforming the traditional Islam and enlightening the ignorant Muslims. Consequently,however, the Chinese authorities' suppressions gave the occasion for the reformists to incline to drastic nationalism later.
著者
岩本篤志
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.80, no.1, pp.27-59, 1998-06

In A. D. 550, Kao Yang (高洋), the second son of Kao Huan (高歓) succeeded the throne of Hsiao-ching-ti (孝静帝) of Tung-wei (東魏), which brought about the establishment of Pei-ch'i. Later with the formation of the Pei-chou (北周) and Ch'en (陳) dynasties, the newly formed Pei-ch'i dynasty was the turning point in the period of Southern-Northern dynasties.Although this ascension of Kao Yang was opposed by Empress dowager Lou (婁) and the Han Chinese bureaucrat Tu pi (杜弼), a divination by Hsü Chih-ts'ai who was an immigrant from the Southern dynasty and known as "Nan-shih (南士, Southern gentry)" by the people in Northern dynasty, mentioned that "if sheep (羊) drinks water (水) at Meng-chin (盟津), its horns would point to heaven". This was what triggered the ascension of Kao Yang. The horns pointing to heaven signifies the succession to the throne. For generations, Hsü Chih-ts'ai's clan was a shaman-doctor in a large region from Ch'i (斉) to Wu-yüeh (呉越) and worshipped Hsü Yen-wang (徐偃王), their common ancestor.When objection to Kao Yang ascension was raised by the people, Hsü Chih-ts'ai said "after people chase a rabbit in a market, and when someone catches it, the others will give up the chase. "This phrase is based on Chinese classics and at the same time an expression of moral obligation in a political philosophic term. Furthermore, his statement was timely of the international situation of the era.Then, in Southern dynasty Liang (梁) Wu-ti (武帝) was incarcerated and put to death by Hou Ching (侯景). Furthermore, in Hsi-wei (西魏), Yü Wên-t'ai (宇文泰) had organized the 24 armies and gained parts of the territory of Southern dynasty. But with the army of Tung Wei having already invaded Huai-nan (淮南) region, they had a clear advantage of unpreparedness of Yü Wên-t'ai and Hou Ching.Due to the establishment of Pei-ch'i dynasty, Hou Ching attempted his ascension, but he was suppressed by Ch'en Pa-hsien (陳覇先). Furthermore, Yü Wên-t'ai attacked Pei-ch'i dynasty. But this attempt ended in a defeat. As a result, reluctantly he settled down to handle internal affairs. Then the establishment of Pei-chou was in the second month of A. D.556, two months after Yü Wên-t'ai's death.
著者
稲住哲朗
雑誌
東洋学報 / The Toyo Gakuho
巻号頁・発行日
vol.89, no.2, pp.125-153, 2007-09

The research to date on Zu Ting 祖珽, a politician who was active as chancellor of the Northern Qi 北斉 Dynasty during the latter half of its reign, has understood him as an ambitious leader of a faction of mainly Han aristocrats who tried to expand his own sphere of influence and that of his faction.However, there are source materials which indicate another side to Zu, like his close relationships to the Hu 胡 people and lower level aristocrats. Therefore, in order to understand Zu's politics and personality, it is necessary to consider him among a different race and stratum of people, in a more structurally holistic manner.Regarding his political posture, we find a man with a strong attachment to personal power, while at the same time loyally giving his all to the state. Such a posture is evident in the nature of his involvement in the abdication of Wucheng di 武成帝 in favor of Houzhu 後主, his policy making during his term as chancellor, and his response to the assignation of Hulü Guang 期律光; in sum, his attempts to strengthen the emperor's right of kingship and stabilize administrative affairs. This posture stems from his family's tradition of serving the Wuhu 五胡 and Northern dynasties for generations, and his father, Zu Ying's 祖瑩 a close relationship with Gao Huan 高歓, a descendent of Hu people and instrumental in the establishment of the Northern Qi Dynasty.Therefore from Zu Ting's standpoint, serving the Eastern Wei 東魏 and Northern Qi Dynasties, the seats of power for the Hu people, was the same as "serving one's country" It is in this sense that those who claim that Zu exploited the state for the sake of his own personal interests and that of his fellow Han aristocrats are mistaken.To the contrary, Zu Ting actually learned from his predecessors' mistakes on this point and was able to respond far more flexibly to the complex power structure of the Northern Qi Dynasty as a descendent of the Han aristocracy serving the Northern Dynasties.