著者
森山 廣芽
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要. 第二部, 自然科学
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, pp.77-89, 1977-03-10

What direction should amateurism in sports take? The past amateurism has been undergoing a great transfiguration and is not applicable to the present situation in which sports are increasingly nationalized and popularized. And yet an attempt should be made on a nationwide scale to improve our physique as well as moral character, on which amateur sportsmanship is founded. In the course of this endeavour, a certain type of amateur sports quite unique to our country, supported by a vast public, will spread among our people, and in turn, contribute to intensifying the physical competence of athletes. We must promote hereafter the so-called "community sports," which are purrsued by the whole nation, for true amateurism will spring from nothing but this type of sports.
著者
駒井 正一
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要. 第一部, 人文科学
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, pp.57-82, 1977-02-28

In China, serious discussions have been carried out as to the phonetic spelling of Chinese geographical names. In this field, Lu-hsin 魯迅 was either leader or contributor, Recently, they have maintained that the complicated Chinese characters would have to be discontinue and have begun a use of Latinized Chinese. In China today, national minorities have the same right as Chinese have. After liberation, vigorous help has been given to those nationalities who as yet have no written languages of their own, to create their own written languages. Some of their alphabets represent sounds similar to those of the corresponding Chinese letters and others have no corresponding letters in Chinese. They use those letters for geographical names, When they study the languages of national minorities, they are studying Chinese. This article explains the phonetic spelling of Chinese geographical names, by examining some problems of the national minority, the history of Chinese phonetic ism and the maintenance of Lu-hsin.
著者
西村 真一
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要 第1部 人文科学 (ISSN:05830605)
巻号頁・発行日
no.11, pp.p1-16, 1977-03

Saigyô is a priest poet in Heian period. Sutokuin is an Emperor and an excellent poet of the same age. Saigyô became acquainted with Sutokuin in his young days, and had a high regard for Sutokuin throughout his whole life. Saigyô deeply deplored when Sutokuin abdicated his throne and his mother Taikenmonin entered the priesthood. He made a long journey for Michinoku districts to forget the deep grief. After seven years, since Saigyô began to live Koyasan, it happened civil war of Hogen. Sutokuin lost the war, and was confined in Ninnaji. Saigyô called to inquire Sutokuin and gave him a poem of comfort. After Sutokuin died in Sanuki, Saigyô visited the glave of Sutokuin. His heart was overflowed with gratitude, when he thought of Sutokuin. So, he wrote famous poems at the front of the grave. Such, Saigyô had close connection with Sutokuin. The meaning of the relation of Saigyô to Sutokuin, that is the main subject of this essay.
著者
平木 幸二郎
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要 (ISSN:13409972)
巻号頁・発行日
no.28, pp.p11-36, 1994-03
著者
鵜木 奎治郎
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要 第1部 人文科学 (ISSN:05830605)
巻号頁・発行日
no.3, pp.95-106, 1968-12

'Rappaccini's Daughter' seems basically like a dramatic treatment of a catastrophe in the enigmatic Rappaccini's Garden; first on the conflict enacted in the very garden between the two approaches to love, sincerity by Beatrice and fantasy by Giovanni; secondly on the conflict enacted in the very garden between the two approaches to science, induction by Rappaccini and deduction by Baglioni. No one can really knows anything about Beatrice except that she is well identified with the gorgeous but deadly purple-blossom which dominates the garden. Indeed whenever a certain kind of symbol is mentioned, it never fails to be related with the botanical imagery. Surely there must be significance in the fact that Hawthorne chooses botanical imageries-perhaps partly because of their external beauties, partly because of their capability of producing 'the lurid mixture'of hybrids. Such hybrid leads to the isolation and this isolation leads to severe, desolate love which no exceptional girl, nor ordinary youth can hardly nourish. Our next step is about the conflict between the two famous scientists; in which Baglioni, having a pseudo - maternal love to Giovanni, cares to vanquish his rival Rappaccini, an overly protective father, than he cares for the welfare of Giovanni and Beatrice. In the final scene, just as Baglioni's antidote has failed in his shallowness to evince the powerful Rappaccini's skill, so Rappaccini's wish has failed to see that Beatrice 'would fain have been loved, not feared.' Thus again their conflict leads to the isolation which no exceptional, nor ordinary scientist can hardly nourish. If so, 'since some industry must be, the little toil of love' and the little accumulation of scientific knowledge would be 'large enough for' us.
著者
鵜木 奎治郎
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要 第1部 人文科学 (ISSN:05830605)
巻号頁・発行日
no.7, pp.69-104, 1973-03

The thesis I am going to deal with is about the outward resemblance between the way of living of a Japanese middle-aged widow (Kosuke, the hero in Y. Yamamoto's famous novel: The Waves) and that of an American middle-aged widow (Charlie, the hero in F. S. Fitzgerald's famous short story: Babylon Revisited). Just as these two heroes in fiction were men of strict moral consciousness, so were they created by the two authors of equally strict moral consciousness. Again, just as in these two stories, two motherless children (a boy called Susumu by name and a girl called Honoria by name) played very important parts, so in the authors' real lives their own two children (a boy called Yuichi, probably named after the author's own name, and a girl called Frances, probably named after the author's own name), were their matters of utmost concern. Therefore, in this case, I think there is something of authenticity in explaining these two pieces as a rare example reflecting their authors' internal mental lives. From this point of view, I want to call readers' attention both to the heroes' Faust-like attitudes and to the motherless children's own reserved attitudes toward their fathers' affectionate sympathies. A Kosuke Faust, displaying in his own charater something of a Goethe-like Faust who had abandoned Gretchen after availing her credulity, seeked eagerly for his son's rising in the world. Susumu shall follow his may-be father's success in the world at any cost. While a Charlie Faust, always repenting of his having done many a decadent youthful follies, only expected his daughter Honoria to select her own way of living with a code of hers. She shall never follow her might-have-been father's failures in the world. Thus it becomes evident these strict (in Yamamoto's case) and elegant (in Fitzgerald's case) ties of father and child make almost contrary charms in these two pieces. "Like father, like son". is only applicable to The Waves and not to Babylon Revisited. Or, to quote Kazin's words, "Fitzgerald did not worship riches or the rich; he merely lived in their golden eye"., while Yamamoto did worship success or the successful men; he couldn't solely content himself with living in their golden eye.
著者
宇佐美 文理
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要 (ISSN:13409972)
巻号頁・発行日
no.27, pp.p1-28, 1993-03
著者
飯鳥 俊明
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要 第2部 自然科学 (ISSN:05830613)
巻号頁・発行日
no.3, pp.29-42, 1969-02

信州大学教養部紀要. 第二部, 自然科学 3: 29-42(1969)
著者
北川 重男
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要 第1部 人文科学 (ISSN:05830605)
巻号頁・発行日
no.2, pp.77-90, 1967-12

信州大学教養部紀要. 第一部, 人文科学 2: 77-90(1967)
著者
山本 哲士
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要 (ISSN:13409972)
巻号頁・発行日
no.23, pp.p63-83, 1989-02

信州大学教養部紀要. 第一部, 人文科学. 第二部, 自然科学 23: 63-83(1989)
著者
市川 嘉章
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要 第1部 人文科学 (ISSN:05830605)
巻号頁・発行日
no.11, pp.p115-130, 1977-03

The Scarlet Letter, which is unanimously recognized as the greatest masterpiece by Nathaniel Hawthorne, can be characterized by a perfect combination of historical romance in the seventeenth-century New England and allegory derived from the Puritan view of life. Many critics say, on the other hand, that The Blithedale Romance is a failure, because it is disintegrated into two separate parts of Gothic romance and the narrator's realistic viewpoint. Contrary to this conventional interpretation, it is insisted and proved in this essay that these two characteristics,through Hawthorne's originality, make this work a piece of successful amalgamation of romance and realism. It is Coverdale, narrator of the story who stands at the crucial position that makes this difficult integration. In this sense, Hawthorne created quite an original type of narrator. We can say The Blithedale Romance is an example of this sort of hybrid containing the two heterogeneous elements, which can often be found in the history of the American novels. Miles Coverdale joins in the construction of "the Modern Arcadia" based on Fourierism, an experiment in communal living. In the group of its participants, he is not so much an active reformer as a cynic observer of the movement. The observer's focus is on the triangular situation between the egotistical, unconsciously hypocritical Hollingsworth and his two girl friends, the passionate, sensuous Zenobia and the sibylline, ambiguous Priscilla. As the story goes on, Hollingsworth tries to use Zenobia's funds for the reformation of criminals. He relentlessly forsakes Zenobia, accusing her for the conspiracy of getting rid of her rival. Her pride is badly hurt, and she finally commits suicide. As the catastrophe of the drama approaches, the narrator finds himself involved in the intrigue and suffers from moral pain. This is because he is essentially a man of morality inherited from Hawthorne, though the narrator's view is quite realistic. We can say his morality is not incompatible with his realistic observation. His morality, however, prevents him from the rescue of Zenobia and from confessing his heart to Priscilla whom he secretly loves. His self-restraint from "the forbidden fruit" is caused in consequence of the effect of his morality. We also find his scope of view rather limited, because the narrator always tries to keep himself a little aloof from his friends. In addition, he comes too late on the spot at the critical moment, and consequently he cannot be in contact with possible important information which he would like to know. Though his discrimi- nation is piercing and probes into the true natures of his friends, because of the limitation of Coverdale's observation, we cannot but feel some ambiguity beyond his lucid scope of view. The delicate contrast between sharp discrimination within his observation and ambiguity or obscurity beyond gives birth to an aesthetic equilibrium of light and dark which is characteristic of Hawthorne. The effect of romance in the story is caused by the mysterious ambiguity which Hawthorne consciously or unconsciously tries to give in the limited scope of the narrator. Of all the elements of Gothic romance in the story, Westervelt, evil mesmerist, appeals to us as appalling, and Coverdale feels irreconcilable hatred towards this person because of his inhuman idiosyncrasy. He is described, in consequence, as a symbol of devilish falseness. "The Modern Arcadia" turns out to furnish a mere background of the tragical drama. Therefore, the social movement and the feminist movement are no more than subordinate themes in contrast with the leitmotif of the human tragedy. We cannot deny, moreover, that the poetic beauty of the story is created by Hawthorne's symbolic device of texture, that is imagery. The relation between each piece of imagery and the organic whole can be traced reciprocally, and the artistic value of the work will be made out appropriately.
著者
坂本 博
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要 (ISSN:13409972)
巻号頁・発行日
no.27, pp.p67-98, 1993-03

In this paper I discuss the genesis of the Copernican system. It is well known that Copernicus himself explained, both in some chapters of On the Revolutions and in its dedication to Pope Paul III, how he began to conceive motion of the earth against the traditional opinions of astronomers. As far as Copernicus is concerned, astronomers did not agree among themselves in the investigation of the heavenly bodies, especially they were so uncertain about the motion of the sun and moon that they could not establish and observe a constant length even for the tropical year. In spite of those remarks, his train of thought to a revolutionary heliocentrism remains obscure because he did not specifically mention which observations he thought could definitely undermine the traditional astronomy. This sense of dissatisfaction with the rationale with which Copernicus fortified his arguments against the Ptolemaic geocentric world has induced historians to look for a more likely point of departure for his revolution in scientific thinking. The first astronomical phenomenon that might have induced Copernicus to reform the traditional cosmological system is supposed by some historians to be the irregular motions of the five planets; to be the In this paper I discuss the genesis of the Copernican system. It is well known that Copernicus himself explained, both in some chapters of On the Revolutions and in its dedication to Pope Paul III, how he began to conceive motion of the earth against the traditional opinions of astronomers. As far as Copernicus is concerned, astronomers did not agree among themselves in the investigation of the heavenly bodies, especially they were so uncertain about the motion of the sun and moon that they could not establish and observe a constant length even for the tropical year. In spite of those remarks, his train of thought to a revolutionary heliocentrism remains obscure because he did not specifically mention which observations he thought could definitely undermine the traditional astronomy. This sense of dissatisfaction with the rationale with which Copernicus fortified his arguments against the Ptolemaic geocentric world has induced historians to look for a more likely point of departure for his revolution in scientific thinking. The first astronomical phenomenon that might have induced Copernicus to reform the traditional cosmological system is supposed by some historians to be the irregular motions of the five planets; to be the abnormally huge epicycle of Venus by others: to be the curious coincidence of the periods of revolution of the sun, Venus and Mercury by yet others: and so on. Those seem to me to be all probable, but conjectural and arbitrary to some extent. I think that those who desire to figure out, as objectively as possible, how Copernicus conceived the motion of the earth should pay attention to the evidence which Rheticus gave us in The First Report which was composed under the watchful eyes of Copernicus. In one of its chapters entitled "Why We Must Abandon the Hypotheses of the Ancient Astronomers," Rheticus enumerated six principal reasons for the new system, of which I find the first one to be the most crucial to our subject. Rheticus says that the indisputable precession of the equinoxes and the change of the obliquity of the ecliptic persuaded his teacher to assume that the motion of the earth could produce most of the appearances in the heavens, or at any rate save them satisfactorily. This evidence should be considered seriously, since there was no astronomer who could have more intimate contact with Copernicus than Rheticus, the only disciple of the astronomer who lived in the "very remote corner of the earth" which is V raniewo in Poland in modern terms. If you reread Copernicus carefully in this light, you will notice that the greatest reformer of modern astronomy tells you the same motive as found in Chapter 5, Book 1 of his immortal work: "If we assume its (the earth's) daily rotation, another and no less important question follows concerning the earth's position (in the universe)." Consequently, as far as I know, all the historians are wrong in arguing that Copernicus conceived the annual revolution of the earth prior to its daily rotation. The precession of the equinoxes was discovered by Hipparchus in archaic Greek times and it was confirmed about 400 years later by the Roman astronomer Ptolemy. According to the author of Almagest, all the fixed stars, besides their daily rotation, revolve uniformly around the poles of the ecliptic from the west to the east for the period of 36,000 years. His assumption is essentially correct except for the numerical value of the period which counts for about 26,000 years in contemporary astronomy. However, something extremely curious though inevitable happened to all the Renaissance astronomers including Copernicus. To the contrary of their great predecessor of Alexandria, they insisted on the anomaly of the precession of the equinoxes since the observations that progressively accumulated in the long course of astronomy appeared to them to point to this. The truth is that the data of the ancients were wrong because of their poor techniques of observation. Accordingly, the anomaly of the precession of the equinoxes was an imaginary construct. As well as other astronomers, Copernicus struggled with the wrong observations to save the pseudo anomaly of the noblest heavens and supposed that the irregular motion of the fixed stars could be composed of the uniform rotations of four heavenly spheres, in addition to the other two assigned to the daily rotation and the mean precession of the eqiunoxes. Surely, if the firmament needed six spheres and moved in an uttermost complicated way, it would never deserve the name of visible god! So I conclude that Copernicus wanted first of all to replace the confusion of the god-like heavens with a complexity of the humble earth's motions that accorded with the most fundamental principle of heavenly beauty and harmony grounding ancient Greeks cosmology. I admit, however, that another important question is still open as to how Copernicus took a further step from the earth's daily rotation on its axis to its annual revolution around the sun, and this theme will be discussed in my next paper.
著者
清水 敦
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要.
巻号頁・発行日
vol.25, pp.121-142, 1991-03-15
著者
松本 芳之 湯田 彰夫
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要.
巻号頁・発行日
vol.28, pp.285-300, 1994-03-25

This study examined the integration of inconsistent behavioral descriptions. Three hundred and forty-one college students were asked to read the discrepant behavioral statements and to answer the questionnaires. In the integration condition, subjects were also asked to write freely the accounts which were supposed to exist between the discrepant statements. It was shown that when the sequence of the statements was extrovert-introvert, the subjects who succeeded in the integration explained that some negative events had happened to the stimulus person and changed his behavior. But when the sequence was introvert-extrovert, more than half the subjects who succeeded in the integration explained the discrepancy in more complicated ways, that is, negative events caused introvert behavior and then positive events caused extrovert bihavior. When the sequence was extrovert-introvert, the discrepancy was high, and subjects succeeded in the integration, the disposition of the stimulus person was judged to be extrovert. These results were explained in terms of schema and social norms for sociable behaviors.
著者
栄沢 幸二
出版者
信州大学教養部
雑誌
信州大学教養部紀要. 第一部, 人文科学
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, pp.35-55, 1977-02-28

Yukio Ozaki can be regarded as one of the typical democrats who maintained the attitudes of anti・militarism and anti-fascism. But it seems that the study on Ozaki during the period of fascism has not been publised as yet. Together with it we can say that the theoretical research on the bourgeois democratic nationalism in this period has scarcely been made. Terefore the theme of this paper is to make clear the contents and meaning of the nationalism of Yukio Ozaki during the period of fascism. At that time, for the development of Japan he not only insisted on the non imperialistic bourgeois democratic nationalism which meant that both domestic and forign policies should be based on the principle of liberal democracy, but also emphasised the importance of internationalism based on the principle of mutual suppots, and bitterly criticized the ultra-nationalism of the fascist forces.