著者

深尾 葉子

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, no.2, pp.321-357, 1998-12

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漢族社会における廟の持つ社会機能については多くの研究蓄積があるが,本稿では1980年代以降中国西北部黄土高原で復活の著しい廟と廟の祭り(廟会)について,その社会的,歴史的意味を問う。廟は宗教的存在理由の他に,社会的公益的な意味を持つが,それを支える人々の奉仕労働を個々の行為者と神との社会的交換の結果として解釈し,同時にそうした個別の行為が集積される際に,同地域の冠婚葬祭などの挙行とも共通する一定の互助モデルが働いていることを指摘する。廟や廟の祭りは小さなものから数万人規模のものまでさまざまであるが,それは「会長」の威信や神の評判によって常に変動する。こうした活発で流動的な社会の凝集は同地域社会に1980年代以降出現した「渦」のうねりのようなものとして捉え得る。After the collapse of the people's communes (Renmin Gongshe) inChina's rural areas, we can observe many kinds of self-organizationthroughout the country. In Northern Shaanxi Province, the most prominentway of self-organization by local people was to establish Miaohui(Temple Associations) , which used to be very common in Chinese ruralsociety before the Cultural Revolution.At the beginning of this article, different types of Miaohui are introducedin order to show that Miaohui does not merely function on thevillage level, it operates on various levels and with various sizes of communityor social networks. Some Miaohui are maintained by donationsand voluntary work contributed by patients who had medical treatmentor took medicine from each Miao. Others are famous for their effectivenessin fertility or producing rain. It is important to note that thesize of a Miaohui not stable but changing all the time through thereputation it earns from local people and also by the ability of theHuizhang — chairman — of each Miaohui. To be a good chairman,fairness and generosity are needed. The people's continuous talk abouteach Miaohui and its management is critical to the growth and longevityof each Miao . In the most prominent case of Heilong Temple, becauseof the emergence of talented Huizhang, the scale of the Miaohui changeddrasticallyfr oma smalli nter-villagoen e intot he centralo ne of NorthernShaanxip rovince. Thisp henomenonc anb e explaineda s the emergenceof a dynamics tructurei n this area aftert he releasef romd ominationd uringthe Mao era.Looking back on the former studies on Miao in other Han-Chineseareas like Taiwan or; Hong Kong, continuous discussions are observedregarding the relationships between the size of local community and therange of the influential area of each Miao. In the earlier studies on thissubject, spatial phases of Miao activities were rather stressed, but in laterworks it is pointed out that such spatial ranges are not always very clearand it is rather hard to set some boundaries on religious activities. Laterstudies try to watch Miao activities more functionally and dynamically,which means that the range of Miao activities are considered to be morechangeable and multileveled. In the case of present day Miao in NorthernShaanxi, the same characters can be observed, maybe even acceleratedbecause of the decline of Miao activity during the culturalrevolution. In this article, analytical individualism is adopted in orderto avoid treating Miao activities statically. Activities of Miao are seen asintegrated results of each personal exchange between local people andMiao. I have not only analyzed the implications of personal exchangebetween Miao and these supporters, but also the process of integrationof such exchanges into collective ones. Then the meaning of the annualMiao festivals, which are ordinarily held along with local operas, are examined.Then we find that the Miao festivals are functioning as cornmunitasfor the local people who are participating in them.