著者
伊東 一郎 イトウ イチロウ Ichiro Ito
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.6, no.4, pp.767-796, 1982-03-30

This article presents a comparative-historical analysis of thewerewolf belief among the Slavic peoples. It concludes by advancingthe following hypothesis: that among the Slays there existed aritual transformation into wolves by the young warriors society andthat from the 10th century, after this ritual had disappeared, it wasrecalled via folkloric and ethnographic motifs, viz: (1) the werewolfbelief connected with the cult of magician and spread chiefly amongthe Western and Eastern Slays; (2) the folkloric motif of the"Shepherd of Wolves" occurred mainly among the Southern Slays;and (3) disguising as wolves by groups of young people during theWinter Ritual, which was a characteristic chiefly of the SouthernSlavs.
著者
菅瀬 晶子 Sugase Akiko スガセ アキコ
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.40, no.4, pp.619-652, 2016-03-31

歴史的にパレスチナと呼ばれてきた地域に建国されたユダヤ人国家イスラエルには,2 割程度のアラブ人市民が居住し,そのうち約8%をキリスト教徒が占めている。ユダヤ教徒やムスリムとは異なり,食の禁忌を持たない彼らは豚肉を食し,この地における豚肉生産・消費・流通をほぼ独占している。そのいっぽうで,豚肉食に嫌悪感を示すキリスト教徒もすくなくはない。聞き取り調査の内容からは,彼らの豚肉食嫌悪は比較的最近生じた傾向であることがわかる。そこにはムスリムやユダヤ教徒の価値観の影響もみられるが,もっとも大きな影響をおよぼしたのはイスラエルによるアラブ人市民に対する政策である。本来豚肉食は,キリスト教徒の主たる生業である農業と密接にかかわっていたが,軍政による農業の衰退や,豚肉食と密接にかかわっていた野豚猟の事実上の非合法化により,キリスト教徒の豚肉食観は大きく変化した。宗教的アイデンティティの根幹に深いかかわりを持っていた豚肉食への嫌悪感の増大は,キリスト教徒としての宗教的アイデンティティの損失をあらわしているといえる。
著者
佐々木 史郎 Shiro Sasaki
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.22, no.4, pp.683-763, 1998-03-31

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the trade activity of theancestors of the indigenous peoples of the Lower Amur Basin in the 18thand 19th centuries and to reexamine the discourse of their society andculture in classical ethnography. They have usually been described ashunters, fishermen, or collectors of wild plants in much ethnographysince the late 19th century, and the primitiveness of their foraging lifestyle, fishing and hunting techniques, and social structure has often beenunderlined by anthropologists, ethnologists, and historians. Thepolicies of the former Soviet Union to rescue them from the poverty causedby their primitive level of production was based on such discourse ofthe scholars.However, were they really poor? Were their life style, culture, andsociety really primitive? Historical documents written by Japanese explorersand investigators in the 18th and 19th centuries, MogamiTokunai, Mamiya Rinzo, Nakamura Koichiro, and so on, indicate thatthey had a highly sophisticated culture and a complex society. For example,modern ethnologists often underline the fact that the peoples of theLower Amur were ichthyophagi, and that a piece of dried fish occupiedthe same position as a piece of bread in European meals. On the contrary,Japanese investigators said that their staple food was a cup of boiledmillet, usually put in a small bowl of china or lacquer ware. Thoughethnologists often described fish skin coats in detail, most of theirclothes were made of cotton, and their ritual costumes were even madeof silk. It is a fact that millet, cotton, silk, china, and lacquer ware werenot their original products, but Chinese or Japanese ones which theyobtained through trade with Chinese and Japanese. It is also a fact,however, that these things occupied an important position in theircultural complex. It is an injustice for researchers not to properlyevaluate them and not to pay any attention to the trade activity.The trade activity of the ancestors of the peoples of the Lower Amurin the 18th and 19th centuries was called "Santan trade" by Japanese investigatorsof the same centuries. "Santan" was an ethnonym of the peopleof the Lower Amur, which had often been used as a name of theancestors of the indigenous people of this region as a whole. It wasMamiya Rinzo who clarified who the Santan people were. In his investigationin 1809 and 1810 he found out that the Santan lived betweenthe villages of "Uruge" (bIppH, later Russian village "MaxcrMTojm cHA") and "Poru" Mon, later Ul'chi village "LlepxbIti Ap") , thatthey called themselves "Mango" (this is the same self denotation as"Mangguni") , and that their neighbors upstream along the river werecalled "Korudekke" (Goldok) and those downstream were called"Sumerenkuru". The range of habitation, the self denotation "Mango",and the linguistic materials indicate that the Santan people wereancestors of the Tungus-speaking peoples of the Lower Amur today,especially the Ul'chi (Olcha) and a part of the lower Nanai (Goldi) .The Santan trade has long been studied as a theme of historicalstudies of Northern Japan. However, though many facts have beenclarified from the historical point of view, historians have long overlookedan important one namely that it was trade that kept the levels of lifeand culture of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin in the 18thand 19th centuries higher than those described in ethnography. This isbecause the historians could not evaluate the function and role of tradeactivity in the society and culture of the indigenous peoples, becausetheir point of view was usually set not on the side of the indigenoustraders, but on that of authors or editors of literary sources, who wereoften government bureaucrats.This paper is one of my experiments, in which I try to describe thehistorical events of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin such asthe Santan trade from the point of view of those who were described inthe literary sources. The final end of the experiments is a diachronicreview of the society and culture of the peoples of this region, and Iwould like to sweep away such images as "primitive", "uncivilized" or"natural people", created by anthropologists and ethnologists since theend of the 19th century.As a result of an examination of the historical literature of Japaneseinvestigators, regional government archives of the Qing dynasty (the lastdynasty of China) , reports of ethnological researches by Russianethnologists, and my own field data, I can point out the followingcharacteristics of the trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amurand Sakhalin:1) The main peoples who were enthusiastically engaged in the Santantrade were the Santan and the Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the AmurNivkh) , and some differences were apparent in their trading styles. Forexample, the Santan people did their business on the main traffic route ofthis region, which went from Lower Sungari to the southern end ofSakhalin through Amur and the western coast of Sakhalin, they played arole of mediator between Japanese and Chinese, and obtained a largeprofit from this business. On the contrary, the Sumerenkuru traders extendedtheir business area to the tributaries of the Lower Amur, the coastof the sea of Okhotsk and the eastern coast of Sakhalin, and played arole of distributor of Chinese and Japanese commodities among thepeoples of these areas.2) Usually the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders did not fix a businessplace but often went round their customers, being engaged in sable hunting.However, the temporary branch office of the Qing dynasty, whichwas constructed at Kiji or Deren and opened every summer, often playedthe role of a periodical market, in which the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders did their business not only with Manchu officials and merchantsbut also with other indigenous traders.3) The trading crew of Santan or Sumerenkuru traders consisted ofseveral persons from a village led by a hala i da (chief of a clan) orgashan da (head of village) nominated by the Qing dynasty.4) The conceptual classification of trade and tribute was recognized bythe Santan and Sumerenkuru peoples.5) Credit sale was the main custom of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders in the 18th and 19th centuries. They applied it to trade with allcustomers without exception. The business with the Ainu, who, it wassaid, suffered from their debt to the Santan traders, was not a special oneto cheat them of their property.6) The trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalinswung between trade and tribute (in other words, between economy andpolitics) , influenced by the change of political conditions of this regionand the location of each people.6-1) In the 18th century, when the administrative system of the Qingdynasty was under construction on the Lower Amur and Sakhalin,tribute was superior to trade, because the regional administration of thedynasty was enthusiastically intervening in the social life of the people toestablish the sovereignty of the dynasty among them. After the end ofthe 18th century, however, when the dynasty was losing its politicalpower over the people of this region, the position of trade and tributewas reversed.6-2) The relation between trade and tribute was different among the peopleaccording to their location. I can classify them into three groups.The first is the people who lived on the main route of the trade, comparativelyfar from the regional centers of the countries (China andJapan) , i.e. the Santan and Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the Ul'chiand Amur Nivkh) . They could take advantage of their location to intensivelyconduct their trading business without administrative intervention.The second group is those who lived on the main route of thetrade, near to the regional center of the countries, i.e. the Korudekke(the ancestors of the Nanai) and the Ainu. Their location was too closeto the center to be free from the governmental power of the countries,though their status was higher than that of the people of the first group.It was more important for them to accomplish various obligations thanto be engaged in free trade. The third group is those who lived far fromboth the main trade route and the regional center of the countries, i.e.the ancestors of the Sakhalin Nivkh, Uilta (Oroks) , Orochi, Negidars,and Evenki hunters. They were providers of fur and consumers ofChinese and Japanese products for the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders.7) The prosperity of the Santan trade from the end of 18th century to themiddle of the 19th century was held by the political and economicbalance between China and Japan on Sakhalin, and the profits of theSantan and Sumerenkuru traders were much dependent on the differencein demand and prices between China and Japan. For example, therewas a great demand for sable fur in China, and the Chinese and Manchupeople paid much for it, while the Japanese were not interested in it at alland sold it to the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders much cheaper than inChina. Therefore, their trade activity was fatally damaged by thedestruction of this balance by the third power, imperial Russia.Though I could not completely carry out the second purpose of thispaper, i.e. a reexamination of the ethnographic discourse of the societyand culture of the people of the Lower Amur basin, I could make a firststep in accomplishing it by clarifying the characteristics of their trade activity.I would like to make further steps in other papers, in which I willexamine such problems as the political background of the Santan trade,the quality and quantity of the profit of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders, methodological problems of historical studies of the indigenouspeople of this region, and so on.
著者
近藤 雅樹 Masaki Kondo
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, no.3, pp.395-407, 2012-02-27

火葬後,近親者が集まり,遺骨を粉にして服用する。あるいはこれに類する行為をおこなう。そのような習俗が日本のいくつかの地域で近年までおこなわれていた。公然とではないが点在していた。 この原稿では,何人かのインフォーマントから聞いた話と,近年の報告を紹介する。そして,こうした習俗が行われていた理由について考えてみる。 主要な事例報告対象とした地域は,以下のとおりである。 兵庫県淡路島南部,愛媛県越智郡大島,愛知県三河地方西部,新潟県糸魚川市。 近親者による食屍は,アブノーマルなことに思われる。しかし,長寿を全うした者,崇敬を集めていた人物が被食対象となっていることからは,死者の卓越した生命力や能力にあやかろうとする素朴な思いが反映していることを認めることができる。最愛の妻などの遺骨をかむことに対しても,哀惜の感情が表明されている。これらの行為は,素朴な人間感情の表出であると考えてよい。
著者
Yuko Iwase 岩瀬 裕子
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.1, pp.179-231, 2019-07-25

本稿は,スペイン・カタルーニャ州の祭りで220 年以上にわたって行われている人間の塔における計測を主題にして,どのようなデジタル・テクノロジーが用いられ,それに対して人びとがいかに対応しているのかを民族誌的調査を通して明らかにするものである。人間の塔は,人が人の肩の上に上り下りして造られ,その高さや構造の複雑さで競われるものである。筆者が調査する最古参のグループでは,塔造りに必要な参加者を把握するためにテクノロジーを利用する動きはあるが,人間を正確に測り塔の構造に反映させるためにテクノロジーは利用していない。人びとが用いるのは,経験的に獲得,定着させてきた主として身体感覚に依拠したテクノロジーである。こうしてデジタル・テクノロジーの受け入れに伴う領域に差異がみられる背景には,身体ひとつで塔を造る人びとの「人間とは正確には測れないもの」という直観的な感覚と,「測ること」で失われてしまうことを危惧する二者関係があることを考察する。
著者
関 剣平 Jinping Guan
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.2, pp.283-314, 2002-11-20

中国茶史上,陸羽の『茶経』があまりにも重要な文献であるため,宋代以降の茶史は唐代の陸羽をもって茶の始源として叙述する傾向が強く,その前代の魏晋南北朝時代への注目が少なかった。しかし,『茶経』が説くように魏晋南北朝時代は喫茶風習の成立期として非常に重要である。そこで同時代の史料を精査し,「風流」と「倹」の思想を軸に喫茶文化の動向を考え,さらに同時代の各社会階層における喫茶風習の受容の状況を明らかにした。あわせて『茶経』の記事を再検討し,史料批判を行った。
著者
周 達生 Dasheng Zhou
出版者
国立民族学博物館
雑誌
国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.1, pp.58-138, 1982-03-31

This paper reports on a study of the culture of the Hakkas,based on the surveys made in Mei Prefectural District (Guangdong[Kwangtung] Province) in 1979 and 1980, and in Longyan District(Fujian [Fukien] Province) in 1980.The Hakka (lit. "the Guest Family") people began migratingsouthwards from the Central Plains (i.e., the middle and lowerreaches of the Huanghe or Yellow River) at approximately the timeof the disruptions and great migrations, starting in the Three Kingdomsera (220-280 A.D.), continuing through the Jin [Chin]Dynasty (265-420 A.D.) and ending in the Northern and SouthernDynasties (420-589 A.D.). After several group migrations theHakkas arrived in their present-day main areas of residence, insouthern Jiangxi [Kiangsi] Province, northeastern GuangdongProvince, and western Fujian Province. Smaller groups of Hakkareside in other districts of Guangdong Province, Guangxi [Kwangsi],Zhuang [Chuang] Autonomous Region, Sichuan [Szechwan]Province, and Taiwan Province, among other areas.My fieldwork on Hakka culture, together with the research ofother scholars, in addition to demonstrating that the forms of pronunciationof the language spoken in the ancient Central Plains arestill used in the present-day Hakka language, also revealed that,for example, some characteristics of the Northern culture are continuedin the structure of the traditional Hakka house, and that besidestheir strong preference for rice, the "Mountain Songs" of the Hakkashave been influenced by the Southern culture of the districts intowhich they migrated.The mixture of Northern and Southern Chinese cultural elementsis a characteristic feature of Hakka culture. However, thecultural elements shared between the Hakkas and the Han exceedthose peculiar to the Hakka alone, thus permitting the conclusionthat Hakka culture is just one of many local cultures which composethe Han culture. There are few cultural characteristics that canbe used to distinguish the Hakkas as a nationality independent ofthe Han.NOTES :1. Chinese proper nouns are Romanized according to thePinyin system.2. Romanization in the Wade system is given in brackets.