著者

近藤 雅樹 Masaki Kondo

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, no.3, pp.395-407, 2012-02-27

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火葬後,近親者が集まり,遺骨を粉にして服用する。あるいはこれに類する行為をおこなう。そのような習俗が日本のいくつかの地域で近年までおこなわれていた。公然とではないが点在していた。 この原稿では,何人かのインフォーマントから聞いた話と,近年の報告を紹介する。そして,こうした習俗が行われていた理由について考えてみる。 主要な事例報告対象とした地域は,以下のとおりである。 兵庫県淡路島南部,愛媛県越智郡大島,愛知県三河地方西部,新潟県糸魚川市。 近親者による食屍は,アブノーマルなことに思われる。しかし,長寿を全うした者,崇敬を集めていた人物が被食対象となっていることからは,死者の卓越した生命力や能力にあやかろうとする素朴な思いが反映していることを認めることができる。最愛の妻などの遺骨をかむことに対しても,哀惜の感情が表明されている。これらの行為は,素朴な人間感情の表出であると考えてよい。

著者

小長谷 有紀 Yuki Konagaya

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.37, no.4, pp.425-447, 2013-03-29

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2012 年11 月14 日,モンゴル国政府は「チンギス・ハーン生誕850 周年」記念行事をおこない,エルベグドルジ大統領は,チンギス・ハーンの末裔たちがひろく分散しているという歴史を利用して,中央ユーラシア諸国との国際的な協働的関係を強調した。1989 年の民主化以降,こうしたチンギス・ハーンをめぐる政治的な利用が活発化しており,一般にモンゴル社会でチンギス・ハーン崇拝がつよまっている。こうしたナショナリズムとむすびついた,近代的なチンギス・ハーン崇拝の起源について考察するために,本稿では,社会主義以前の中国内モンゴルで日本人によって流布されたと思われる「肖像画」と「軍歌」に着目し,協働的ナショナリズムが明示される資料をあきらかにした。

著者

楊 海英 Haiying Yang

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, no.1, pp.39-130, 2003-07-30

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「スニト部のギルーン・バートル」(Sönid-ün Gilügün Bayatur)という人物は,13 世紀のモンゴル・ハーン国時代に大いに活躍した,と年代記はそろって記述する。スニトは13 世紀の『モンゴル秘史』にも見られる有名な部族の名称である。ギルーンは名前で,バートルは「勇士」を意味する爵号である。ギルーン・バートルはまずチンギス・ハーンをまつる八白宮祭祀のなかでその存在が認められる。祭祀者たち(Darqad)にチンギス・ハーンからの恩賜を配る儀礼の場で,ギルーン・バートルの直系子孫を称する者がその祖先の功績に基づいてチンギス・ハーンからの恩賜を拝受する。八白宮祭祀のなかで,ギルーン・バートルはチンギス・ハーンに追随した「4 人のバートル(勇士)」のひとりとして位置づけられている。このような位置づけは17 世紀以降に書かれたモンゴルの年代記の記述とも一致する。 つづいて19 世紀半ば頃の清朝道光年間にギルーン・バートルはもう一度登場する。今度は八白宮の祭祀者ダルハトのひとり,ユムドルジ(Yümdorji)という人物が,自らは13 世紀のギルーン・バートルの直系子孫で,代々八白宮の祭祀者集団内のバートル(勇士)という職掌をつとめてきたと主張する。ユムドルジは税金納入をめぐってオルドスの貴族たちと対立するが,シリンゴル盟のスニト左旗の王公たちの支持をとりつけたため,ことを有利に運ぶ。スニト左旗の王公たちとユムドルジは,13 世紀のスニト部のギルーン・バートルはユムドルジの直接の祖先である,という共通した歴史的認識を有していたことから,ユムドルジを支持したのである。このように,ギルーン・バートルという13 世紀に存在したとされる人物はチンギス・ハーンの八白宮祭祀のなかでその功績がずっと認められてきただけでなく,その子孫を称する人物も広く認知されていた。モンゴルにとって,歴史あるいは歴史上の人物は決して過去のものではなく,現在を活きる存在であることが分かる。

著者

Yukihiro Fukusima 福島 幸宏

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.163-181, 2021-07-30

著者

瀬川 昌久

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.3, pp.p647-680, 1987

著者

菅瀬 晶子 Akiko Sugase

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.4, pp.619-652, 2016-03-31

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歴史的にパレスチナと呼ばれてきた地域に建国されたユダヤ人国家イスラエルには,2 割程度のアラブ人市民が居住し,そのうち約8%をキリスト教徒が占めている。ユダヤ教徒やムスリムとは異なり,食の禁忌を持たない彼らは豚肉を食し,この地における豚肉生産・消費・流通をほぼ独占している。そのいっぽうで,豚肉食に嫌悪感を示すキリスト教徒もすくなくはない。聞き取り調査の内容からは,彼らの豚肉食嫌悪は比較的最近生じた傾向であることがわかる。そこにはムスリムやユダヤ教徒の価値観の影響もみられるが,もっとも大きな影響をおよぼしたのはイスラエルによるアラブ人市民に対する政策である。本来豚肉食は,キリスト教徒の主たる生業である農業と密接にかかわっていたが,軍政による農業の衰退や,豚肉食と密接にかかわっていた野豚猟の事実上の非合法化により,キリスト教徒の豚肉食観は大きく変化した。宗教的アイデンティティの根幹に深いかかわりを持っていた豚肉食への嫌悪感の増大は,キリスト教徒としての宗教的アイデンティティの損失をあらわしているといえる。

著者

杉本 良男 Sugimoto Yoshio スギモト ヨシオ

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.267-309, 2015

著者

伊東 一郎

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.4, pp.767-796, 1982-03-30

著者

関 剣平 Jinping Guan

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, no.2, pp.283-314, 2002-11-20

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中国茶史上,陸羽の『茶経』があまりにも重要な文献であるため,宋代以降の茶史は唐代の陸羽をもって茶の始源として叙述する傾向が強く,その前代の魏晋南北朝時代への注目が少なかった。しかし,『茶経』が説くように魏晋南北朝時代は喫茶風習の成立期として非常に重要である。そこで同時代の史料を精査し,「風流」と「倹」の思想を軸に喫茶文化の動向を考え,さらに同時代の各社会階層における喫茶風習の受容の状況を明らかにした。あわせて『茶経』の記事を再検討し,史料批判を行った。

著者

伊東 一郎 Ichiro Ito

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.6, no.4, pp.767-796, 1982-03-30

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This article presents a comparative-historical analysis of thewerewolf belief among the Slavic peoples. It concludes by advancingthe following hypothesis: that among the Slays there existed aritual transformation into wolves by the young warriors society andthat from the 10th century, after this ritual had disappeared, it wasrecalled via folkloric and ethnographic motifs, viz: (1) the werewolfbelief connected with the cult of magician and spread chiefly amongthe Western and Eastern Slays; (2) the folkloric motif of the"Shepherd of Wolves" occurred mainly among the Southern Slays;and (3) disguising as wolves by groups of young people during theWinter Ritual, which was a characteristic chiefly of the SouthernSlavs.

著者

佐々木 史郎 Shiro Sasaki

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.4, pp.683-763, 1998-03-31

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the trade activity of theancestors of the indigenous peoples of the Lower Amur Basin in the 18thand 19th centuries and to reexamine the discourse of their society andculture in classical ethnography. They have usually been described ashunters, fishermen, or collectors of wild plants in much ethnographysince the late 19th century, and the primitiveness of their foraging lifestyle, fishing and hunting techniques, and social structure has often beenunderlined by anthropologists, ethnologists, and historians. Thepolicies of the former Soviet Union to rescue them from the poverty causedby their primitive level of production was based on such discourse ofthe scholars.However, were they really poor? Were their life style, culture, andsociety really primitive? Historical documents written by Japanese explorersand investigators in the 18th and 19th centuries, MogamiTokunai, Mamiya Rinzo, Nakamura Koichiro, and so on, indicate thatthey had a highly sophisticated culture and a complex society. For example,modern ethnologists often underline the fact that the peoples of theLower Amur were ichthyophagi, and that a piece of dried fish occupiedthe same position as a piece of bread in European meals. On the contrary,Japanese investigators said that their staple food was a cup of boiledmillet, usually put in a small bowl of china or lacquer ware. Thoughethnologists often described fish skin coats in detail, most of theirclothes were made of cotton, and their ritual costumes were even madeof silk. It is a fact that millet, cotton, silk, china, and lacquer ware werenot their original products, but Chinese or Japanese ones which theyobtained through trade with Chinese and Japanese. It is also a fact,however, that these things occupied an important position in theircultural complex. It is an injustice for researchers not to properlyevaluate them and not to pay any attention to the trade activity.The trade activity of the ancestors of the peoples of the Lower Amurin the 18th and 19th centuries was called "Santan trade" by Japanese investigatorsof the same centuries. "Santan" was an ethnonym of the peopleof the Lower Amur, which had often been used as a name of theancestors of the indigenous people of this region as a whole. It wasMamiya Rinzo who clarified who the Santan people were. In his investigationin 1809 and 1810 he found out that the Santan lived betweenthe villages of "Uruge" (bIppH, later Russian village "MaxcrMTojm cHA") and "Poru" Mon, later Ul'chi village "LlepxbIti Ap") , thatthey called themselves "Mango" (this is the same self denotation as"Mangguni") , and that their neighbors upstream along the river werecalled "Korudekke" (Goldok) and those downstream were called"Sumerenkuru". The range of habitation, the self denotation "Mango",and the linguistic materials indicate that the Santan people wereancestors of the Tungus-speaking peoples of the Lower Amur today,especially the Ul'chi (Olcha) and a part of the lower Nanai (Goldi) .The Santan trade has long been studied as a theme of historicalstudies of Northern Japan. However, though many facts have beenclarified from the historical point of view, historians have long overlookedan important one namely that it was trade that kept the levels of lifeand culture of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin in the 18thand 19th centuries higher than those described in ethnography. This isbecause the historians could not evaluate the function and role of tradeactivity in the society and culture of the indigenous peoples, becausetheir point of view was usually set not on the side of the indigenoustraders, but on that of authors or editors of literary sources, who wereoften government bureaucrats.This paper is one of my experiments, in which I try to describe thehistorical events of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin such asthe Santan trade from the point of view of those who were described inthe literary sources. The final end of the experiments is a diachronicreview of the society and culture of the peoples of this region, and Iwould like to sweep away such images as "primitive", "uncivilized" or"natural people", created by anthropologists and ethnologists since theend of the 19th century.As a result of an examination of the historical literature of Japaneseinvestigators, regional government archives of the Qing dynasty (the lastdynasty of China) , reports of ethnological researches by Russianethnologists, and my own field data, I can point out the followingcharacteristics of the trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amurand Sakhalin:1) The main peoples who were enthusiastically engaged in the Santantrade were the Santan and the Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the AmurNivkh) , and some differences were apparent in their trading styles. Forexample, the Santan people did their business on the main traffic route ofthis region, which went from Lower Sungari to the southern end ofSakhalin through Amur and the western coast of Sakhalin, they played arole of mediator between Japanese and Chinese, and obtained a largeprofit from this business. On the contrary, the Sumerenkuru traders extendedtheir business area to the tributaries of the Lower Amur, the coastof the sea of Okhotsk and the eastern coast of Sakhalin, and played arole of distributor of Chinese and Japanese commodities among thepeoples of these areas.2) Usually the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders did not fix a businessplace but often went round their customers, being engaged in sable hunting.However, the temporary branch office of the Qing dynasty, whichwas constructed at Kiji or Deren and opened every summer, often playedthe role of a periodical market, in which the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders did their business not only with Manchu officials and merchantsbut also with other indigenous traders.3) The trading crew of Santan or Sumerenkuru traders consisted ofseveral persons from a village led by a hala i da (chief of a clan) orgashan da (head of village) nominated by the Qing dynasty.4) The conceptual classification of trade and tribute was recognized bythe Santan and Sumerenkuru peoples.5) Credit sale was the main custom of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders in the 18th and 19th centuries. They applied it to trade with allcustomers without exception. The business with the Ainu, who, it wassaid, suffered from their debt to the Santan traders, was not a special oneto cheat them of their property.6) The trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalinswung between trade and tribute (in other words, between economy andpolitics) , influenced by the change of political conditions of this regionand the location of each people.6-1) In the 18th century, when the administrative system of the Qingdynasty was under construction on the Lower Amur and Sakhalin,tribute was superior to trade, because the regional administration of thedynasty was enthusiastically intervening in the social life of the people toestablish the sovereignty of the dynasty among them. After the end ofthe 18th century, however, when the dynasty was losing its politicalpower over the people of this region, the position of trade and tributewas reversed.6-2) The relation between trade and tribute was different among the peopleaccording to their location. I can classify them into three groups.The first is the people who lived on the main route of the trade, comparativelyfar from the regional centers of the countries (China andJapan) , i.e. the Santan and Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the Ul'chiand Amur Nivkh) . They could take advantage of their location to intensivelyconduct their trading business without administrative intervention.The second group is those who lived on the main route of thetrade, near to the regional center of the countries, i.e. the Korudekke(the ancestors of the Nanai) and the Ainu. Their location was too closeto the center to be free from the governmental power of the countries,though their status was higher than that of the people of the first group.It was more important for them to accomplish various obligations thanto be engaged in free trade. The third group is those who lived far fromboth the main trade route and the regional center of the countries, i.e.the ancestors of the Sakhalin Nivkh, Uilta (Oroks) , Orochi, Negidars,and Evenki hunters. They were providers of fur and consumers ofChinese and Japanese products for the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders.7) The prosperity of the Santan trade from the end of 18th century to themiddle of the 19th century was held by the political and economicbalance between China and Japan on Sakhalin, and the profits of theSantan and Sumerenkuru traders were much dependent on the differencein demand and prices between China and Japan. For example, therewas a great demand for sable fur in China, and the Chinese and Manchupeople paid much for it, while the Japanese were not interested in it at alland sold it to the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders much cheaper than inChina. Therefore, their trade activity was fatally damaged by thedestruction of this balance by the third power, imperial Russia.Though I could not completely carry out the second purpose of thispaper, i.e. a reexamination of the ethnographic discourse of the societyand culture of the people of the Lower Amur basin, I could make a firststep in accomplishing it by clarifying the characteristics of their trade activity.I would like to make further steps in other papers, in which I willexamine such problems as the political background of the Santan trade,the quality and quantity of the profit of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders, methodological problems of historical studies of the indigenouspeople of this region, and so on.

著者

大塚 和夫 Ohtsuka Kazuo オオツカ カズオ

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.383-419, 1984-08-31

著者

Junko Konishi 小西 潤子

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, no.1, pp.99-130, 2021-07-30

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「山口修写真コレクション」は,山口修(1939–)が 1960 年代半ばから 1990年代にアジア・太平洋各地で収集した 5,000 点以上の写真資料からなる。これらの理解を深めるために,民族音楽学の歴史を遡ることで山口の学問的関心を突き詰める。すなわち,20 世紀前後の欧州における近代科学に基づいた比較音楽学,戦前日本における東洋音楽の歴史と理論を扱った東洋音楽研究,1950年代から米国で文化相対主義の影響によって開花した行動学的民族音楽学である。これらを基盤に,山口は民族音楽学の理論と実践を国内外に発信し,「応用音楽学」として集大成した。その中で楽器学の骨子は,(1)エティック/イーミックスなアプローチ,(2)楽器づくりのわざ,(3)楽器の素材,とされる。次に,これらの観点から 1970 年代沖縄・奄美における楽器の写真について,当該文化の担い手による解釈を交えて論じる。対話の積み重ねによる持続的なデータベースづくりは,まさに山口が目指した未来志向性の応用音楽学的実践だといえる。

著者

Yuko Iwase 岩瀬 裕子

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.1, pp.179-231, 2019-07-25

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本稿は,スペイン・カタルーニャ州の祭りで220 年以上にわたって行われている人間の塔における計測を主題にして,どのようなデジタル・テクノロジーが用いられ,それに対して人びとがいかに対応しているのかを民族誌的調査を通して明らかにするものである。人間の塔は,人が人の肩の上に上り下りして造られ,その高さや構造の複雑さで競われるものである。筆者が調査する最古参のグループでは,塔造りに必要な参加者を把握するためにテクノロジーを利用する動きはあるが,人間を正確に測り塔の構造に反映させるためにテクノロジーは利用していない。人びとが用いるのは,経験的に獲得,定着させてきた主として身体感覚に依拠したテクノロジーである。こうしてデジタル・テクノロジーの受け入れに伴う領域に差異がみられる背景には,身体ひとつで塔を造る人びとの「人間とは正確には測れないもの」という直観的な感覚と,「測ること」で失われてしまうことを危惧する二者関係があることを考察する。

著者

杉本 良男 Sugimoto Yoshio スギモト ヨシオ

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.199-214, 2015

著者

前川 真由子

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.1, pp.71-118, 2017-09-29

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本論は人々が考える「理想的なオーストラリア」を同国の反捕鯨思想の中から考察していくものである。長らくオーストラリアでは反捕鯨思想が広く支持されており,鯨に対する人道主義的な立場が取られてきた。先行研究では鯨に対する人道主義を,モラル・キャピタルといったトランスナショナルな反捕鯨思想の広がりの中で展開されてきた概念と共に考察し,動物との関係性から西洋近代的な人間像を追求していく人々の様子を明らかにしている。一方で本論は先行研究に依拠しながらも,これまでの議論では言及されることの少なかったオーストラリアに特有の歴史的,政治的,地理的な文脈から,同国で高まる反捕鯨の社会的背景を紐解いていく作業を試みたい。特に,「われわれのオーストラリア」や「われわれオーストラリア人」といった人々が想像する理想的なオーストラリアが,鯨を含む自然を媒介にして描かれる様子を彼らの語りから分析していく。

著者

高橋 沙奈美

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.235-251, 2015

著者

江口 重幸 Shigeyuki Eguchi

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, no.4, pp.1113-1179, 1988-03-26

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This paper examines two cases of fox possession (kitsunetsuki)in a mountain village in eastern Shiga Prefecture. The studyfocuses on the socio-religious and clinical context of the expressionof possession.In Japan, kitsunetsuki has long been one of the most familiarexpressions of indigenous "madness". Nevertheless, psychiatricresearch on the phenomenon, including those from folkloristicand religious perspectives, have been conducted only since the1960s. Hitherto, kitsunetsuki had been regarded as a vestige ofsuperstition.The first part of the paper deals with some methodologicalproblems encountered when spirit possession is defined as a"culture-bound syndrome". The features of this phenomenonchange according to various approaches used to understand it.In the second part, two cases are examined from psychiatricrecords. In the first a 18-year-old male became psychoticallyexcited after fatigue and a traffic accident. During his severeconfusion he manifested fox-like jumping actions. His familyregarded him as being possessed by local gods, and so left himunattended for a month. He was hospitalized and was incomplete remission after three months of treatment. Hisillness is diagnosed as "atypical psychosis" [MITSUDA 1979:121-124].In the second case a 34-year-old housewife (an aunt of themale in the first case), entered a psychiatric hospital as a resultof illness induced by conjugal discord. After undergoing a seriesof religious rituals to evict the fox that possessed her, she came tohear the voices of three foxes. Her illness is diagnosed as typical"invocations psychosis" [MORITA (森田) 1915: 286-287].These two cases reveal a discrepancy between traditionaltherapeutic ritual and modern psychiatric treatment.In the third part of this paper, Kitsunetsuki is re-examinedfrom the socio-religious viewpoint, based on interviews withvillagers. The reasons for the occurrence in this village ofsymptoms of fox possession are considered in their cultural andreligious contexts. Kitsunetsuki of this district can be traced backto folkloristic and religious lines. Among other phenomena thisis attested to by many folktales of foxes, public religious ritualspracticed by the folkpriest, occasional visits of a man of the"mountain religion" and his furious performances under godpossession,and the famous kyogen play, which contains themetamorphosis of fox, derived from the family temple of thevillagers. A major factor was acute social change in 1950s (e.g.,in the marriage system, in traditional forestry, etc.). Onetherapeutic religious cult which came to exert considerableinfluence over the traditional religious order of this village wasfinally absorbed into a large sect of Buddhism. Typically,spirit possession in this village seemed to be formed in accordancewith the god-possessing seances of this cult. From this standpointthe two cases examined expressed themselves through the symbolicrepresentation of "fox", when they reached psychologicalcrises. The other curious disease, "K village disease", is avariant product of this process. These acts of performance aremolded upon the complicated socio-cultural background;"possession complex" .The last part of this paper presents some complementaldiscussions on the expression of fox-possession. The folkloristicand "symptomatic" peculiarity of this mountainous district, andits tendency to combine with spirit possession, is analysed andcompared with that in the plain district. Two different types ofshamanism, spirit possession and ecstacy, are reconsidered,based on the analogy of schizophrenic symptoms and othermystical thoughts. The body in a state of possession and theassociated healing process are reviewed from theatrical andpolitical points of view.After examining kitsunetsuki as a performed expression, it ispointed out that the Westernized psychiatric nomenclature only

著者

久保 正敏 Masatoshi Kubo

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 = Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, no.4, pp.943-986, 1991-03-28

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This paper traces the history of Japanese popular songs fromthe viewpoint of "Travel". The historical span of the discussionis confined to the Showa era, for the following two reasons:1) The modern system of producing popular songs wasestablished at the very beginning of the Showa era;2) The distinct contrast between urban areas and the provinces,together with the social unrest in those days, motivated thetraveling and drifting of the people, and consequently broughtthe travel songs or sight-seeing songs into fashion.In this paper, travels sung in popular songs are categorizedinto three types: outward travel, homeward travel, andwandering travel. Outward travel is motivated by a yearningfor some place and can thus be viewed as future-oriented travel.Homeward travel is motivated mainly by homesickness or somememory of the past. Wandering travel is accompanied byhomesickness in many cases. The popular songs of the Showaera are reviewed according to these three types of travel.In sections 1 and 2, the themes of travel in popular songs aresummarized, and then songs whose words contain place namesor descriptions of local scenery are analyzed. It is pointed outthat changes in the ratio of the number of such songs to thenumber of all popular songs are very similar to change inpopulation drift.In sections 3, 4 and 5, popular songs are reviewed andanalyzed in regard to outward travel, homeward travel, andwandering travel respectively. The evident correlation betweenthe words in these songs and the social environment is shown.Section 6 deals with a few songs relating to spiritual travels.In section 7, changes in travel songs are reviewed froma unique analytical viewpoint. Assuming that the story of thewords of a popular song is scenarized, each song can becategorized as either a close-up type or a long-shot type interms of camera angle, according to the words depicting scenesand manners and the personal pronouns contained in the wordsof the song. Based on this idea, several genres of travel songs areparameterized and mapped on a two-dimensional space, correspondingto the camera angle of the story of the song. Theresult of the mapping shows that travel songs became more andmore of the close-up type with the passing of time, which seemsto parallel the increasing tendency of Japanese society towardprivate-life-oriented conservatism.

著者

佐々木 史郎

出版者

国立民族学博物館

雑誌

国立民族学博物館研究報告 (ISSN:0385180X)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, no.4, pp.683-763, 1997

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the trade activity of theancestors of the indigenous peoples of the Lower Amur Basin in the 18thand 19th centuries and to reexamine the discourse of their society andculture in classical ethnography. They have usually been described ashunters, fishermen, or collectors of wild plants in much ethnographysince the late 19th century, and the primitiveness of their foraging lifestyle, fishing and hunting techniques, and social structure has often beenunderlined by anthropologists, ethnologists, and historians. Thepolicies of the former Soviet Union to rescue them from the poverty causedby their primitive level of production was based on such discourse ofthe scholars.However, were they really poor? Were their life style, culture, andsociety really primitive? Historical documents written by Japanese explorersand investigators in the 18th and 19th centuries, MogamiTokunai, Mamiya Rinzo, Nakamura Koichiro, and so on, indicate thatthey had a highly sophisticated culture and a complex society. For example,modern ethnologists often underline the fact that the peoples of theLower Amur were ichthyophagi, and that a piece of dried fish occupiedthe same position as a piece of bread in European meals. On the contrary,Japanese investigators said that their staple food was a cup of boiledmillet, usually put in a small bowl of china or lacquer ware. Thoughethnologists often described fish skin coats in detail, most of theirclothes were made of cotton, and their ritual costumes were even madeof silk. It is a fact that millet, cotton, silk, china, and lacquer ware werenot their original products, but Chinese or Japanese ones which theyobtained through trade with Chinese and Japanese. It is also a fact,however, that these things occupied an important position in theircultural complex. It is an injustice for researchers not to properlyevaluate them and not to pay any attention to the trade activity.The trade activity of the ancestors of the peoples of the Lower Amurin the 18th and 19th centuries was called "Santan trade" by Japanese investigatorsof the same centuries. "Santan" was an ethnonym of the peopleof the Lower Amur, which had often been used as a name of theancestors of the indigenous people of this region as a whole. It wasMamiya Rinzo who clarified who the Santan people were. In his investigationin 1809 and 1810 he found out that the Santan lived betweenthe villages of "Uruge" (bIppH, later Russian village "MaxcrMTojm cHA") and "Poru" Mon, later Ul'chi village "LlepxbIti Ap") , thatthey called themselves "Mango" (this is the same self denotation as"Mangguni") , and that their neighbors upstream along the river werecalled "Korudekke" (Goldok) and those downstream were called"Sumerenkuru". The range of habitation, the self denotation "Mango",and the linguistic materials indicate that the Santan people wereancestors of the Tungus-speaking peoples of the Lower Amur today,especially the Ul'chi (Olcha) and a part of the lower Nanai (Goldi) .The Santan trade has long been studied as a theme of historicalstudies of Northern Japan. However, though many facts have beenclarified from the historical point of view, historians have long overlookedan important one namely that it was trade that kept the levels of lifeand culture of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin in the 18thand 19th centuries higher than those described in ethnography. This isbecause the historians could not evaluate the function and role of tradeactivity in the society and culture of the indigenous peoples, becausetheir point of view was usually set not on the side of the indigenoustraders, but on that of authors or editors of literary sources, who wereoften government bureaucrats.This paper is one of my experiments, in which I try to describe thehistorical events of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalin such asthe Santan trade from the point of view of those who were described inthe literary sources. The final end of the experiments is a diachronicreview of the society and culture of the peoples of this region, and Iwould like to sweep away such images as "primitive", "uncivilized" or"natural people", created by anthropologists and ethnologists since theend of the 19th century.As a result of an examination of the historical literature of Japaneseinvestigators, regional government archives of the Qing dynasty (the lastdynasty of China) , reports of ethnological researches by Russianethnologists, and my own field data, I can point out the followingcharacteristics of the trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amurand Sakhalin:1) The main peoples who were enthusiastically engaged in the Santantrade were the Santan and the Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the AmurNivkh) , and some differences were apparent in their trading styles. Forexample, the Santan people did their business on the main traffic route ofthis region, which went from Lower Sungari to the southern end ofSakhalin through Amur and the western coast of Sakhalin, they played arole of mediator between Japanese and Chinese, and obtained a largeprofit from this business. On the contrary, the Sumerenkuru traders extendedtheir business area to the tributaries of the Lower Amur, the coastof the sea of Okhotsk and the eastern coast of Sakhalin, and played arole of distributor of Chinese and Japanese commodities among thepeoples of these areas.2) Usually the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders did not fix a businessplace but often went round their customers, being engaged in sable hunting.However, the temporary branch office of the Qing dynasty, whichwas constructed at Kiji or Deren and opened every summer, often playedthe role of a periodical market, in which the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders did their business not only with Manchu officials and merchantsbut also with other indigenous traders.3) The trading crew of Santan or Sumerenkuru traders consisted ofseveral persons from a village led by a hala i da (chief of a clan) orgashan da (head of village) nominated by the Qing dynasty.4) The conceptual classification of trade and tribute was recognized bythe Santan and Sumerenkuru peoples.5) Credit sale was the main custom of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders in the 18th and 19th centuries. They applied it to trade with allcustomers without exception. The business with the Ainu, who, it wassaid, suffered from their debt to the Santan traders, was not a special oneto cheat them of their property.6) The trade activity of the peoples of the Lower Amur and Sakhalinswung between trade and tribute (in other words, between economy andpolitics) , influenced by the change of political conditions of this regionand the location of each people.6-1) In the 18th century, when the administrative system of the Qingdynasty was under construction on the Lower Amur and Sakhalin,tribute was superior to trade, because the regional administration of thedynasty was enthusiastically intervening in the social life of the people toestablish the sovereignty of the dynasty among them. After the end ofthe 18th century, however, when the dynasty was losing its politicalpower over the people of this region, the position of trade and tributewas reversed.6-2) The relation between trade and tribute was different among the peopleaccording to their location. I can classify them into three groups.The first is the people who lived on the main route of the trade, comparativelyfar from the regional centers of the countries (China andJapan) , i.e. the Santan and Sumerenkuru (the ancestors of the Ul'chiand Amur Nivkh) . They could take advantage of their location to intensivelyconduct their trading business without administrative intervention.The second group is those who lived on the main route of thetrade, near to the regional center of the countries, i.e. the Korudekke(the ancestors of the Nanai) and the Ainu. Their location was too closeto the center to be free from the governmental power of the countries,though their status was higher than that of the people of the first group.It was more important for them to accomplish various obligations thanto be engaged in free trade. The third group is those who lived far fromboth the main trade route and the regional center of the countries, i.e.the ancestors of the Sakhalin Nivkh, Uilta (Oroks) , Orochi, Negidars,and Evenki hunters. They were providers of fur and consumers ofChinese and Japanese products for the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders.7) The prosperity of the Santan trade from the end of 18th century to themiddle of the 19th century was held by the political and economicbalance between China and Japan on Sakhalin, and the profits of theSantan and Sumerenkuru traders were much dependent on the differencein demand and prices between China and Japan. For example, therewas a great demand for sable fur in China, and the Chinese and Manchupeople paid much for it, while the Japanese were not interested in it at alland sold it to the Santan and Sumerenkuru traders much cheaper than inChina. Therefore, their trade activity was fatally damaged by thedestruction of this balance by the third power, imperial Russia.Though I could not completely carry out the second purpose of thispaper, i.e. a reexamination of the ethnographic discourse of the societyand culture of the people of the Lower Amur basin, I could make a firststep in accomplishing it by clarifying the characteristics of their trade activity.I would like to make further steps in other papers, in which I willexamine such problems as the political background of the Santan trade,the quality and quantity of the profit of the Santan and Sumerenkurutraders, methodological problems of historical studies of the indigenouspeople of this region, and so on.