著者

望月 直人

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.101, no.2, pp.356-391, 2018-03

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一八八〇年代前半にベトナムをめぐって生じた「越南問題」は、清朝が自らの属国とみなす国をめぐって欧米諸国と戦火を交えた唯一の事例清仏戦争に至った。従来、「越南問題」は、清朝とフランス両当事国の問題として検討されてきたが、本稿は第三国として関与したアメリカの影響を検討する。第一章では、一八八三年七月初めに行われた清朝による対米仲裁依頼が、国際世論と国際仲裁を結びつけたアメリカ駐清公使ヤングの助言に基づくことを示す。第二章では、国際仲裁の実現を目指したアメリカ外交官の活動が、清仏の対立を深刻させたことを明らかにする。第三章では、一八八三年一一月に清朝の発した各国宛同文通牒が、アメリカ駐清公使館員の助言にも依拠していたこと、この同文通牒が国際世論を動かして和平の実現という目的とは逆に、清仏の軍事衝突を決定的としたことを示す。The Sino-French war that occurred in 1880s is the only case of the Qing dynasty going to war with a Western country over countries regarded as its vassals. Previous scholarship has focused on the negotiations between the Qing dynasty and France, and has argued that the differences between the traditional East Asian international order (the so-called Tributary System) and the Western and modern international order triggered the war. But during the Sino-French controversy the Qing dynasty repeatedly proposed the arbitration of a third party, but France refused. It is thus difficult to say that the Sino-French war was a clash of two different world orders. In 19th-century East Asia, countries gradually adopted international law, and they benefited greatly employing it. International law, however, was plagued by problems of weakness of jurisdiction and enforcement of the law, and efforts to reach a peaceful settlement of international disputes by using international law often led to difficulties in diplomatic negotiations. This article thus focuses on American good offices in 1883 and considers their influences and results. In the first section, I reconsider the process of the request by the Qing dynasty to the United States for arbitration in July 1883. John Russell Young, U.S. Minister in Peking, often had talks with Li Hongzhang李鴻章, Chinese Governor-General of the Zhili, in the first half of 1883. Young attached great weight to public opinion and arbitration, and he advised Li to use international public opinion and international arbitration as international political resources. At the beginning of July 1883, Li adopting Young's advice, requested arbitration by the United States. In the second section, I consider the efforts of the American embassy in Paris during July and August. On 23 July, Levis Parsons Morton, American Minister in Paris, met Paul-Armand Challemel-Lacour, the French Foreign Minister. Responding to the offer of international arbitration by United States, Challemel-Lacour said, "if the pretentions of the Chinese government were known, perhaps it would be possible for France to avail herself of the good offices so kindly tendered by the United States." Challemel-Lacour's intent was to turn down the American offer in a roundabout way, but Morton interpreted the statement to mean if the Qing government would offer peace terms, it was possible that the French government would accept the American offer. In order to initiate international arbitration, the American embassy in Paris attempted to clarify the differences between the Qing dynasty and France. They advised Zeng Jize曾紀沢, Chinese Minister in Paris, to send their terms of peace to the French government, but these terms incurred French displeasure and deepened the confrontation between the two countries. In the third section, I discuss the origin and the results of a circular note that was sent by the Zongli Yamen総理衙門, the Chinese Foreign Office, to all foreign embassies in Peking on 17 November 1883. By examining the letter of Li Hongzhang sent to the Zongli Yamen, I found that the Qing court, which made the decision to send this note, had adopted the advice of Chester Holcombe, the first secretary of the American Embassy in Peking. This circular note aimed to arouse international public opinion to stop the advance of the French army and it corresponded to Holcombe's idea of a peaceful settlement. Holcomb evaluated the role of international public opinion and international arbitration in international politics highly. But this faith sent an erroneous sign to Chinese officials, especially the Qing-yi 清議 faction, which harbored unrealistic expectations. But, in reality, this note could be interpreted as an ultimatum, and the French minister in Peking, who also had received the circular note, advised his government to use force. In December 1883 the French army attacked the Qing army in Vietnam, and it ultimately proved impossible to stop the use of force by simply arousing international public opinion.