著者
勝山 清次
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.97, no.6, pp.813-848, 2014-11

一一世紀前半以降、神社による怪異の訴えと朝廷でのト占(軒廊御卜) の実施が急増する。本稿はその要因と歴史的な意義を究明したものである。軒廊御トが増えはじめる一一世紀前半、貴族の間でその時代を乱れた末世とみる末代観が深まるにつれ、彼らは将来の災厄をもたらす神の崇りの予兆である神社の怪異に敏感に反応するようになり、神社側が自己主張を強化したことと相挨って、卜占の盛行をもたらすにいたった。卜占が盛んに行われるようになると、貴族たちは崇りをもたらす神事の違犯に鋭敏になり、穢れを避けようとして忌避を強化する。それは日常的に神事に関わっていた天皇周辺から始まり、次第に範囲を広げていった。一一世紀後半以降、天皇の名で行われる恩赦において、しばしば神社の訴えに触れるものを対象から除外する措置がとられるが、これも神慮に背く行為を慎み、神事不信による神の崇りを避けようとする点で、穢れ忌避の強化と同根である。神社における怪異はまた、神の崇りが現れる前に、それを人間に知らせ手立てをこうじさせる予兆の意味をもっていた。神はあらかじめ予兆することによって、崇りを避けるための対応を求め、そうした人間の行為に応えようとしているのであり、ここに中世的な「応える神」が明確な形をとって現れているとみることができる。一一世紀前半から中葉にかけては、こうした神が性格変化をとげる画期でもあったのである。
著者
小林 功
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.1, pp.40-74, 2019-01

六三〇年代以降、アラブがビザンツ帝国の領域への侵攻を開始し、シリア・パレスティナ地域やエジプトなどが短期間にビザンツ帝国の手から奪われた。当初ビザンツ帝国の人びとは、アラビア半島からの侵攻者がどのような人びとであるのか、十分に理解できていなかった。だがアラブ国家が安定し、彼らとのさまざまな形の交渉が進むにつれて、アラブがどのような人びとであるのか、ビザンツ帝国の人びとも徐々に理解していく。そしてアラブとの対峙が続く中で、自らを「神の加護を得ている皇帝が支配するキリスト教徒の共同体・地域=ローマ帝国」とみなすアイデンティティも再確認されていった。一方アラブもビザンツ帝国を滅ぼすことができなかったため、「ローマ帝国の後継者」となることができなかった。そのためビザンツ帝国との併存が確定的となった七世紀末以降、独自のイスラーム文明を形成していく道を選ぶことになる。
著者
上野 大輔
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.93, no.3, pp.390-417, 2010-05

本稿の課題は、幕末期長州藩における民衆動員と真宗との関係について究明することである。まず、欧米勢力の来航に対する海防に当たり、人々を国家に服従させ、進んで死に赴かせることを重視した村田清風は、そのために真宗を利用することも試みた。一方、月性『仏法護国論』は、蓮如教学の有効性を重視しつつ、国家への服従としての海防に向け門徒を扇動した。文久年間以降、藩内では諸隊の編制が進展し、僧侶を中心とする隊も結成されたが、中でも真宗僧侶の活動は顕著であり、月性門下の僧侶も主導的な役割を果たした。ここでは、来世での極楽往生と共に、現世での「皇国」への患誠を積極的に志向するという、蓮如教学的構造をとった思想が、活動の一基盤をなした。また、欧米勢力や幕府との戦争を通じて民衆動員が進行する中、真宗僧侶による支配安定化・軍事動員のための活動も展開し、かくして真宗は、藩による民衆動員を促進する役割を果たしたのである。
著者
平松 明日香
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.102, no.3, pp.510-528, 2019-05

The Latter Han was an age of rule by the dowager empress and the affines, or marital relations, of the emperor. In this article, I examine whether the regimes of these affines introduced their own factions as official personnel in the Imperial Secretariat (Shangshutai 尚書台). In the Latter Han one often sees records that mention the Lu Shangshushi (録尚書事), a post that has been translated as the Overseer of the Imperial Secretariat, but opinion is divided over its actual role. In the first section, I examine the question of whether the Lu Shangshushi did in fact oversee the Shangshutai. Then, after concluding that the Lu Shangshushi did not oversee the Imperial Secretariat, I made clear that the Lu Shangshushi should not be considered an object of this study. Then in the second section I consider the regime of the Dou clan 竇氏 from the second year of the Zhanghe era (88) to the fourth year of the Yongyuan 4 (92). All previous scholarship has indicated that the regime of the Dou clan controlled the Shangshutai. However, Han Leng 韓棱, who was extremely critical of the Dou clan during the period of their ascendance, occupied the post of Shanshuling 尚書令. In addition, other people who were critical of the Dou clan were selected as bureaucrats of Shangshu. While on the one hand the regime of the Dou clan did emphasize personnel placement in the imperial household, palace guards and military officials, but it can be said that they placed no special significance on placing their own faction in in the Shangshutai. In the third section, I considered the regime of the Deng clan from the first year of the Yuanxing era (105) to the first year of the Jianguang (121). Although there were some officials in the Shangshutai who were critical of the Deng clan during their regime, it was composed in general of personnel who cooperated with the Deng clan. In the fourth section, I consider the regime of the Liang clan 梁氏 from the first year of the Jiankang era (144) to the second year of the Yanxi era (159). During this period, there were many officials critical to the Liang clan among Shangshu officials including the Shangshuling. The Liang clan, like the Dou clan, did not place great weight on the personnel in the Shanshutai but instead placed more emphasis on officials close to the emperor. Judging from the above considerations, I have made clear that these regimes were able to operate the foundations without placing emphasis on personnel in the Shangshutai and that whether they placed emphasis on the Shangshutai did not depend on change over time. It was the regime of the Deng clan that emphasized personnel in the Shangshu and whose influence extended over policy decision-making through the Shangshutai. In contrast, the Dou and Liang clans placed greater emphasis on personnel who were close to the throne and had influence on the decision making of the emperor or dowager empress having restrained the Shangshutai through their own authority.
著者
野口 優
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.101, no.6, pp.859-894, 2018-11

漢代から三国魏にかけていずれも上奏文の最終的な裁可は、皇帝が担っていた。裁可の形式について、漢代及び三国魏では、「可」などの裁可を示す文字もしくは赤い鉤印によるものであった可能性が高い。漢魏時代とも皇帝の署名による認可ではなかった。その上で、漢魏時代とも皇帝の自筆での裁可は必ずしも必要ではなかったことを明らかにした。そして、漢代から三国魏にかけては、筆跡に対する認識の変化と書写材料としての紙の普及という大きな変化が起こった時期であり、従来の皇帝裁可の制度に影響を与える可能性のある変化が起きた。しかし、詔書の信頼性を担保していたのは、漢魏時代とも印璽であった。最終的に、漢魏時代とも、一貫して上奏文の裁可については、必ずしも皇帝が自筆で裁可を下すわけではなかったという状況が変化することはなかったのである。During the period extending from the Han dynasty to Cao Wei of the Three Kingdoms, the ultimate sanction of reports to the throne was rendered by the emperor. It is highly likely that approval from the Han to Cao Wei was designated by physically writing the character 可 (ke) or with the red imprint of a carved seal. There is no evidence of approval being granted with the emperor's signature from the Han-to-Wei period. Moreover, I have made clear that in both the Han and Wei periods the emperor's holographic signature was not necessarily required to indicate approval. Then period from Han to Cao Wei was one of change when consciousness of calligraphy underwent a transformation and there was also a great change in the dissemination of paper as a material for transcribing written records; and these changes likely had an influence of the previous system of imperial sanction. However, reliability of written imperial edicts was insured by the imperial seal during the both the Han and Cao Wei. Ultimately, as regards approval of reports to the throne in both the Han and Cao Wei periods, the situation that did not necessarily require the emperor to indicate his approval with his own brush continued without change.
著者
本庄 総子
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, no.1, pp.7-40, 2020-01

マクニール・モデルとは、集団間に支配・被支配が成立する背景を、疫病への免疫力格差によって説明する理論型である。本稿では、この理論を踏まえつつ、日本古代における疫病の構造的理解を目指す。日本古代の疫病には大きく分けて二つのタイプがある。一つは、国外からの伝播ではないかと推定される大宰府発生の疫病である。このタイプは、非常に高い致死性をもつが、発生は稀である。もう一つは、京から伝播するタイプの疫病で、比較的致死性は低いが、頻繁に発生し、京から徒歩一〇日圏内からやや西に偏る範囲に伝播する。両タイプとも、飢饉の結果として発生するだけでなく、さらなる飢饉の誘因ともなった。奈良時代以前の疫病は、大きな被害を被った場合でも、一定期間内に復興が見込めたが、平安時代の最初期、復興に遅延が生じるようになった結果、疫癘間発という疫病の連鎖が発生し、律令国家の掌握する人口と田地に大きな損害を与えた。According to William H. McNeil the determining factor separating the rulers and the ruled is the gap in their level ofimmunity to pestilence or epidemics. This gap is the product ofthe discrepancies between the population and the degree ofits contact with outsiders. It has been claimed that because there was little contact with the outside world in ancient Japan, immunity to pestilence was weak and the society was subject to severe outbreaks ofharmf ul pestilence. Certainly, it is true that the view that invasive pestilence originated from abroad was deeply rooted in Japan, and religious rites were developed to protect the capital from disease. In addition, it is highly likely that the epidemics that struck in Tenpyô 7 and 9 (735 and 737) did spread from abroad, and were responsible for a remarkable level of harm seldom seen in the history ofepidemics in Japan. However, it was generally the case that epidemics in ancient Japan were centered instead on the capital and spread from there. The area within tendays ofwalking from the capital (however tending toward the west) was the typical target area. And in addition, when an epidemic struck, areas within the capital with the greatest population density were severely struck, and the Kinki region around the capital was struck next. Generally speaking, it has often been the case that outbreaks of an epidemic are triggered by lowered levels ofresistance due to famine, but in the case of ancient Japan, it was frequently the case that famine brought on epidemic instead. Because ancient Japan operated on the principles ofan agricultural society, paddy land where rice could be grown was invested with the greatest share oflabor, and when a labor shortage was caused by an epidemic, the paddies were left to ruin and further famine and epidemic ensued. In ancient Japan the harmful effects of famine and epidemics were closely linked. Even so, after the outbreak of an epidemic during the years roughly corresponding to the Nara period, the fixed level of the population was usually maintained after recovery was achieved. Some theories suppose that a great population increase occurred in the meantime However, from the beginning of the 9th century, there was a slowdown in the recovery rate following the outbreak of an epidemic. Even in the years ofabundant crops recovery from epidemics continued to be incomplete. In the 30 years before and after the turn of the century outbreaks of pestilence struck frequently throughout Japan and there was no stopping the series of famines and epidemics. As a result, population decline and ruined fields greatly increased. Because the populace and paddy lands were the fundamental capital for the ritsuryo-governed state ofancient Japan, one can say that the very foundations of the ritsuryo state itselfwere being undermined by the frequent outbreak of epidemics. Furthermore, as ifoperating in concert with these, in the first halfofthe 9th century, it was often the case that local officials did not provide accurate reports ofthe outbreaks ofthese epidemics. In order to reduce the amount of tax collected by the central government, local officials would attempt to over-estimate the damage caused by an epidemic. The central government at first tried to strictly restrain this tactic, but by the middle of the 9th century it had lost its fervor to police local officials. The rise ofthe risk ofepidemic due the concentration ofthe populace shook the foundations of the society but also had the effect of increasing mobility. As the McNeil model views regions with concentrated populations with many interactions as naturally dominant, it is an argument characterized by anticipated harmony, but given concentrated disturbance of the dominant area by epidemics, it is necessary to reevaluate the historical significance possessed by pestilence.
著者
藤井 讓治
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = The Journal of history (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.101, no.4, pp.663-698, 2018-07

徳川家康の叙位任官については、家康が歴史上重要な人物であるだけに、一般書も含め多く取り上げられてきたが、基礎的事実を十分に検討しないまま、その歴史的意味が論じられている。この問題についての専論は少なく、またこうした研究においても見解が一致していないのが現状である。本稿では、事実関係が不確定な家康の左京大夫・中納言・大納言・左大将任官を中心に分析する。家康は、三河守初任に続いて左京大夫に任じられるが、左京大夫は朝廷関係以外では使用することなく左京大夫任官後も前官の三河守を使用した。朝廷官位使用の特異な事例である。任中納言の年月日は、従来天正十四年(一五八六)十月四日とされてきたが、事実は同年十一月五日であるとし、その意味を秀吉への臣従儀礼の中に位置づけた。また家康の源氏改姓が聚楽第行幸を機になされたとされてきたものを、それに先立つ天正十五年八月には源姓であったことを明らかにした。さらに天正十五年の任左大将は、正保二年(一六四五)の将軍家光の要請をうけて口宣案が改められた折に遡及して任じられたものであり、天正十五年時点での任官の事実はなく、この任左大将をめぐる論争はそもそも成立しないとした。The study of early-modern Japanese political history has witnessed great progress in recent years. This progress includes a deeper understanding of the ranks and offices awarded to samurai. However, in regard to the fundamental facts and dating of samurai appointments to ranks and offices, there are several theories even regarding such an important political figure during the period as Tokugawa Ieyasu, and there are many misunderstandings. In order to create a political history of this age, confirming the facts and dating of Ieyasu's posts and ranks is a pressing issue. In this article I confirm the facts and dates of Ieyasu's ranks and offices, ascertain under what political circumstances they were granted, and furthermore determine their significance. To the extent that Ieyasu was an important political figure. Ieyasu's appointments to ranks and offices are dealt with in general works of history, but fundamental studies have not been sufficiently conducted, and there is no scholarly consensus regarding them. Ieyasu was first appointed governor of Mikawa province, then Sakyō Daibu (Commissioner of the Left Division of the Capital), Jijū (Chamberlain), Ushōshō (Junior Captain of the Palace Guards of the Right), Sachûjō (Middle Captain), Sangi (Consultant), Chûnagon (Middle Counselor), Dainagon (Major Counselor), Naidaijin (Minister of the Center), Udaijin (Minister of the Right), Seiitaishōgun (Babarian-subduing General), and finally Daijōdaijin (Chancellor). This article chiefly analyzes his appointment to the posts of Sakyō Daibu, Chūnagon, Dainagon, and Sadaishō, for which there has no confirmation in the historical record. Ieyasu was appointed Sakyō Daibu shortly after being named governor of Mikawa. In general, when someone was appointed to a new office, thr person would then be known by his new official title, but Ieyasu did not employ the Sakyō Daibu title except in relationship to the imperial court, and even after being appointed Sakyō Daibu continued to use his previous title, governor of Mikawa. This is an example of a unique use of an imperial title. The date of Ieyasu's appointment to the post of Chūnagon has been seen as having been on the fourth day of the tenth month of Tenshō 14 (1586) on the basis of a draft decree in the Nikkō Tōshōgû monjo found in Kugyō bunin, but I have confirmed that the actual date was the fifth day of the eleventh month of the same year and locate its significance within the course of the ceremonial relationship of lord and vassal with Hideyoshi. Furthermore, Ieyasu's adoption of Minamoto clan affiliation is seen within the context of the imperial progress to the Jurakutei, but I make clear that he had used the Minamoto clan name previously during the eighth month of Tenshō 15, and I present new evidence for consideration of this name change. The Ieyasu's appointment to Sadaishō (General of the Left) in Tenshō 15 can only be traced back to the occasion of request by the third Tokugawa shogun, Iemitsu, for reissuance of an oral decree in Shōho 2 (1645), and I clarify that the supposed appointment in Tenshō 15 is not historically accurate. Kasaya Kazuhiko's proposal of the existence of a Tokugawa Shogunate under a Toyotomi regency that is premised on the Ieyasu's appointment as Saidaishō and the arguments surrounding it are thus unsustainable.
著者
小塩 慶
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.99, no.2, pp.290-311, 2016-03-31

The aim of this article is to grasp the significance of auspicious omens (shozui) in the context of the policy of Tang-style Sinification and clarify the reception of Chinese conception of auspicious omens in ancient Japan. Two periods when records of auspicious omens were particularly rare are the object of my analysis: these are the Tenpyo Hoji era under the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro and the early Heian period from the Konin to the Kasho era during the reigns of the emperors Saga, Junna, and Ninmyo. In the first section, I indicate that there were cases of auspicious omens not being recorded due to the humility of the emperor during the Latter Han dynasty. The fact that there was a tendency to denigrate auspicious omens and emphasize practical politics during the Tang has been pointed out in earlier studies, but when considering attitudes toward auspicious omens in Japan from the 9th century onward, the Latter Han attitude toward auspicious omens is important. Moreover, on the relationship between auspicious omens and calamities, previous scholarship has argued there was a direct correlation between the two, but on reexamination of the relationship, I have clarified that there was a tendency for the number of auspicious omens to decline as the number of calamities increased. Behind this was the fact that the two had different characters; auspicious omens were mental phenomena and the calamities were physical realities. In the second section, I consider the relationship of the small number of auspicious omens in the early Heian period and the policy of Tang-style Sinification. I compare in particular the Shoku Nihonkoki for Jowa 1.1 (834) and the imperial edict of the ninth month of Zhenguan 2 (628) in the Tang da zhaoling ji, and judging from the similarity of the language of the two, indicate that the edict of the first year of the Jowa era reflected that of Emperor Taizong of the Tang. Therefore, the small number of auspicious omens from this period can be understood as a result of the fact that the Japanese court knew that the Tang emperor had not favored auspicious omens and that they would not be recognized without reserve. Moreover, it should be noted that as a result of the humility of the Japanese emperors of the ninth century, there were many cases when auspicious omens were not accepted, and this logic was closer to the Latter Han example rather than the Tang, From this, auspicious omens in the early Heian period should be understood as the reception of not only Tang but also Latter Han thought. In the third section I focus on the auspicious characters that were a special characteristic of the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro and attempt to demonstrate the Sinification of auspicious omens. Auspicious characters are a variety of auspicious omen that was seldom if ever seen in Japan, but there were examples in China and the political policy as regards auspicious characters by Empress Wu Zetian, which is thought to have had influence at the time on Japan, can be seen in historical sources. Based on these facts, it can be said that auspicious characters had a particularly Chinese quality and we can conclude that the auspicious omens were Sinified through the Tang-style Sinification policy of Nakamaro. In the era of Fujiwara no Nakamaro the Chinese theory of accepting the will of heaven was already known, and auspicious characters were Rot simply a matter of a superficial copying of the achievements of Wu Zetian, and this indicates the influence of a profound understanding of the entirety of Chinese culture. Considering their limited relationship to auspicious omens and the policy of Tang-style Sinification that I elucidated in the second section, the fact that auspicious omens were not seen under the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro, which did use Chinese auspicious characters, can probably be explained in the same manner. Moreover, using auspicious omens to rule politically and then the trend to distain auspicious omens itself can also be seen in China. Furthermore, as calamities were frequently seen in this period, this too seems to have been a cause for the paucity of auspicious omens. In the fourth section, I address the trend towards the disappearance of auspicious omens from the Six Dynasties onward. In regard to the elimination of auspicious omens, I state my view that it would surely be necessary to consider the change in the character of the monarchical regime that was profoundly related to auspicious omens rather than the problem of the state of extant historical sources. In conclusion, as evidenced in sections two and three, the decrease in the number of records of auspicious omens can be explained as the reception of the Chinese influence within the policy of Tang-style Sinification. In this article I demonstrated factual evidence of the relationship between auspicious omens and the policy of Tang-style Sinification through examination of records of auspicious omens themselves. Moreover, it can be surmised that the Japanese court was conscious of the historical dynasties such as the Five Emperors and Latter Han rather than the contemporary Tang dynasty in regard to the Sinification of auspicious omens. In this article, I posit the image of "multiple Chinas" as a concept that would include multiple Chinese dynasties. It may be said that during the period that was strongly influenced by the Tang, the reception of the concept of auspicious omens occurred with this conception of "multiple Chinas" as its source.
著者
小塩 慶
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.99, no.2, pp.290-311, 2016-03

The aim of this article is to grasp the significance of auspicious omens (shozui) in the context of the policy of Tang-style Sinification and clarify the reception of Chinese conception of auspicious omens in ancient Japan. Two periods when records of auspicious omens were particularly rare are the object of my analysis: these are the Tenpyo Hoji era under the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro and the early Heian period from the Konin to the Kasho era during the reigns of the emperors Saga, Junna, and Ninmyo. In the first section, I indicate that there were cases of auspicious omens not being recorded due to the humility of the emperor during the Latter Han dynasty. The fact that there was a tendency to denigrate auspicious omens and emphasize practical politics during the Tang has been pointed out in earlier studies, but when considering attitudes toward auspicious omens in Japan from the 9th century onward, the Latter Han attitude toward auspicious omens is important. Moreover, on the relationship between auspicious omens and calamities, previous scholarship has argued there was a direct correlation between the two, but on reexamination of the relationship, I have clarified that there was a tendency for the number of auspicious omens to decline as the number of calamities increased. Behind this was the fact that the two had different characters; auspicious omens were mental phenomena and the calamities were physical realities. In the second section, I consider the relationship of the small number of auspicious omens in the early Heian period and the policy of Tang-style Sinification. I compare in particular the Shoku Nihonkoki for Jowa 1.1 (834) and the imperial edict of the ninth month of Zhenguan 2 (628) in the Tang da zhaoling ji, and judging from the similarity of the language of the two, indicate that the edict of the first year of the Jowa era reflected that of Emperor Taizong of the Tang. Therefore, the small number of auspicious omens from this period can be understood as a result of the fact that the Japanese court knew that the Tang emperor had not favored auspicious omens and that they would not be recognized without reserve. Moreover, it should be noted that as a result of the humility of the Japanese emperors of the ninth century, there were many cases when auspicious omens were not accepted, and this logic was closer to the Latter Han example rather than the Tang, From this, auspicious omens in the early Heian period should be understood as the reception of not only Tang but also Latter Han thought. In the third section I focus on the auspicious characters that were a special characteristic of the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro and attempt to demonstrate the Sinification of auspicious omens. Auspicious characters are a variety of auspicious omen that was seldom if ever seen in Japan, but there were examples in China and the political policy as regards auspicious characters by Empress Wu Zetian, which is thought to have had influence at the time on Japan, can be seen in historical sources. Based on these facts, it can be said that auspicious characters had a particularly Chinese quality and we can conclude that the auspicious omens were Sinified through the Tang-style Sinification policy of Nakamaro. In the era of Fujiwara no Nakamaro the Chinese theory of accepting the will of heaven was already known, and auspicious characters were Rot simply a matter of a superficial copying of the achievements of Wu Zetian, and this indicates the influence of a profound understanding of the entirety of Chinese culture. Considering their limited relationship to auspicious omens and the policy of Tang-style Sinification that I elucidated in the second section, the fact that auspicious omens were not seen under the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro, which did use Chinese auspicious characters, can probably be explained in the same manner. Moreover, using auspicious omens to rule politically and then the trend to distain auspicious omens itself can also be seen in China. Furthermore, as calamities were frequently seen in this period, this too seems to have been a cause for the paucity of auspicious omens. In the fourth section, I address the trend towards the disappearance of auspicious omens from the Six Dynasties onward. In regard to the elimination of auspicious omens, I state my view that it would surely be necessary to consider the change in the character of the monarchical regime that was profoundly related to auspicious omens rather than the problem of the state of extant historical sources. In conclusion, as evidenced in sections two and three, the decrease in the number of records of auspicious omens can be explained as the reception of the Chinese influence within the policy of Tang-style Sinification. In this article I demonstrated factual evidence of the relationship between auspicious omens and the policy of Tang-style Sinification through examination of records of auspicious omens themselves. Moreover, it can be surmised that the Japanese court was conscious of the historical dynasties such as the Five Emperors and Latter Han rather than the contemporary Tang dynasty in regard to the Sinification of auspicious omens. In this article, I posit the image of "multiple Chinas" as a concept that would include multiple Chinese dynasties. It may be said that during the period that was strongly influenced by the Tang, the reception of the concept of auspicious omens occurred with this conception of "multiple Chinas" as its source.
著者
本庄 総子
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.103, no.1, pp.7-40, 2020-01-31

マクニール・モデルとは、集団間に支配・被支配が成立する背景を、疫病への免疫力格差によって説明する理論型である。本稿では、この理論を踏まえつつ、日本古代における疫病の構造的理解を目指す。日本古代の疫病には大きく分けて二つのタイプがある。一つは、国外からの伝播ではないかと推定される大宰府発生の疫病である。このタイプは、非常に高い致死性をもつが、発生は稀である。もう一つは、京から伝播するタイプの疫病で、比較的致死性は低いが、頻繁に発生し、京から徒歩一〇日圏内からやや西に偏る範囲に伝播する。両タイプとも、飢饉の結果として発生するだけでなく、さらなる飢饉の誘因ともなった。奈良時代以前の疫病は、大きな被害を被った場合でも、一定期間内に復興が見込めたが、平安時代の最初期、復興に遅延が生じるようになった結果、疫癘間発という疫病の連鎖が発生し、律令国家の掌握する人口と田地に大きな損害を与えた。
著者
鈴木 直志
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.93, no.1, pp.71-97, 2010-01

フランス革命・ナポレオン戦争は、それまでの限定的な王朝戦争から苛烈な国民戦争へと戦争の性格を激変させたことから、ヨーロッパ戦争史の一大転換期として広く知られている。現代ドイツの歴史家クーニッシュはこの変容のことを「戦争の女神ベローナの解放」と表現したが、彼も指摘するようにこの過程は、思想史の次元では革命前の啓蒙期からすでに始まっていた。本稿は、この啓蒙の時代に交わされた戦争と平和の論議、中でも、わが国ではまったく知られていない戦争肯定論を中心にして、思想史におけるベローナの解放過程を明らかにするものである。その際とりわけ強調されるのは、永久平和論と戦争肯定論が、市民的公共圏の成立とバトリオティズムの議論を背景にして、表裏一体の関係にあったことである。両者はいわゆる啓蒙の弁証法の関係に立ちながら、戦争が本来もつ破壊的性格をそれぞれの論理で再び露呈させ、ベローナを解き放ったのであった。
著者
金 玄耿
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.100, no.4, pp.465-490, 2017-07

貴種は日本中世権門の上流階層の身分を表す概念であるが、その語は古代の史料からも見られる。古代史では貴種を天皇の血統と関連付けて、中世の貴種との関係は言及されなかった。本稿は、史料上の「貴種」の用例を検討し、その成立と転換の考察を通して、古代から中世への転換期における社会の変容の様相を捉える。まず、九世紀の文人貴族による文書から「貴種」が三位以上ないし公卿の子孫、ひいては王臣家の子弟を指すことを明らかにした。歴史学ではあまり使われなかった詩序を史料として活用し、貴族日記の記事を分析することで、持続的な公卿地位の継承なしに「貴種」と称される家柄の存在を一一世紀後半から確認した。同じ先祖を持つ門流から「貴種」の家とそうでない家が分岐する現象を通して、一一世紀中葉には貴族社会の変動に伴って「貴種」の家が成立し、家格の性格を帯びるようになった「貴種」が中世権門の身分へとつながった点を指摘した。Kishu 貴種 (noble birth) is used as a term while discussing the class structure of Medieval Japan. This term is related to the theory of kenmon taisei (the system of governance by several powerful families) proposed by Toshio Kuroda. It is said that kishu is the primary social class for a group of leaders from powerful aristocratic families, and prescribed by the standard of an official rank. However, although Kuroda brought the word kishu from historical records in the medieval period, it is also found from 9th century documents. In the aspect of ancient Japanese history, kishu is considered as the word concerning the lineage of the Emperor. The relationship between ancient and medieval concepts of kishu has not been argued at all. Establishing a consistent understanding of kishu is important for a discussion of the turning point in Japanese history, a serious change from the ancient society to the medieval one. In this article, I clarify the meaning and the indicated target of kishu using examples of historical records during the Heian period, especially shijo(preface of poems) which was rarely used in historical researches, so that new findings on families and the family status in Japan's medieval age can be provided. The first appearance of kishu in historical documents is in the early 9th century. It is used by a scholar-nobleman who used to be a monjōshō (student of literary studies in the Imperial University), as a meaning of 'offsprings of 3rd court rank officers or higher.' It is determined that the word kishu came from literature and history books of ancient China, which were textbooks for monjōshōs. According to those examples, it is found that kishu was relevant to the blood of noblemen who had high court rank. It does not apply to the Imperial family. However, Sugawara no Michizane, a scholar-nobleman with a monjōshō career, was using the word kishu in a different way in the late 9th century document. He called a daughter of the Emperor as kishu, so that a member of the Imperial family was treated like offsprings of high rank noblemen. Each of 3rd court rank officers or higher was given his own domestic governing institution, and it was same for sons and daughters of the Emperor. Those families were called Ōshinkes, which were so powerful that they began to have influence over the appointment of monjōshōs in the early 9th century, when the word kishu first appeared. Therefore, considering the actual situation at that time, kishu indicated descendants of Ōshinkes as powerful families. After that, the word kishu did not appear until the middle of 11th century. It is remarkable that kishu is not shown during the Sekkan period. In the late 11th century, the first example of kishu was found froma diary of a nobleman, used with the word kaimon (family of the minister). Compared to the 9th century, kishu was focused on a certain family, not the personal court rank. Many examples of kishu in shijos of the 11th-12th centuries are found with words like families of ministers or court nobles. In other words, descendants from families of ministers or court nobles were called kishu. A family of ministers or court nobles is a group of people who have their ancestors of ministers or court nobles. If a member of that family is not in a position of court noble, he could still be called kishu. On the contrary, even though a person who does not belong to the family of kishu became a court noble of high rank, his family could not get the name of kishu. Unfortunately, it is difficult to find out when the family of kishu was established, because we lack historical records in the Sekkan period. However, if we search the last generation of court nobles in a family of kishu and the first person who could not reach the position of court nobles as an ancestor of a non-kishu family, they were people in the middle of 11th century. At that time, the meaning of the word kishu as a family status became clarified. It was because Fujiwara Sekkan family declined and found it hard to produce many court nobles. In contrast, members of other families obtained promotion to become court nobles. Therefore, the word kishu became limited to families around the Sekkan family. And there is some possibility that the concept of kishu as a family status was started to be made from 10th century, when offsprings of Fujiwara no Morosuke prospered. It is said that family status in the medieval Japan existed, such as kindachi (able to be court nobles) and shotaifu (under court nobles). Kishu was a different status from kindachi, and it became the name of the social class for powerful families of the Heian aristocracy.
著者
高嶋 航
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.93, no.1, pp.98-130, 2010-01

アジア太平洋戦争時期は日本のスポーツ界にとって受難の時代と記憶されている。しかしこれを中国大陸からながめると、全く違った様相が浮かび上がる。純粋スポーツの信奉者で、満洲にスポーツ王国を築いた岡部平太は、満州事変にいちはやく国家主義スポーツを提唱した。この「転向」は、日中両国の激しい抗争の場であった満洲の現実が醸成したもので、国策への便乗として片付けることはできない。その後岡部は天津で、軍特務としてスポーツを通じた文化工作を試みる。日中戦争勃発後、国家主義スポーツは日本の青年たちを戦場へと駆り立てた。一方、華北の占領地でスポーツは文化工作の一環として実施された。かくてスポーツは戦争の加害者となった。これは軍の強制によるというよりは、スポーツ界が戦争という状況に主体的に対応した結果であった。軍自身は武道・体操を重視し、スポーツを敵視する態度を取っており、そのため一方でスポーツ受難のイメージが形成され、他方で加害者としてのスポーツのイメージが隠蔽されたのである。
著者
成田 千尋
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.99, no.2, pp.257-289, 2016-03

本稿では、日韓会談の妥結が米国のベトナム戦争への本格介入と同時期に行われた要因について、在韓米軍及び韓国軍削減、日韓会談をめぐる日韓の世論、韓国軍ベトナム派兵の相関関係に着目し、分析を行った。米国は一九六三年末、経済的な観点から在韓米軍及び韓国軍削減を優先し、日韓国交正常化によりそれを補完しようとした。しかし、韓国政府の強固な反対と、韓国の反対世論による日韓会談の中断から、米国は日韓国交正常化を優先する必要に迫られた。一九六五年に入り日韓会談が進展すると、韓国政府が在韓米軍の維持と韓国軍のベトナム派兵を継続的に訴えたことなどから、在韓米軍の削減は不可能になり、米国は韓国軍の派兵を受け入れる他はなくなった。その後、米国は日韓の世論の間で介入へのバランスを取りつつ、日韓会談の早期妥結のために尽力した。結果的に、韓米のベトナム派兵により日本世論が日韓会談に反発を強める寸前に、会談は妥結に至った。
著者
仲丸 英起
出版者
史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)
雑誌
史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.98, no.6, pp.838-870, 2015-11-30

本稿は、準男爵位を通じて近世イングランド社会における名誉と称号の意義を再検討するものである。一六一一年、王権は財源不足の解消を目的として男爵位とナイト位の間に準男爵位を設置し、その販売を開始した。従来の研究では、初期スチュアート朝期におけるこうした爵位の販売ないし過剰な供給が、名誉の価値を低下させると同時に、社会階層間の移動を容易にしたと論じられてきた。本稿ではこの点を実証的に探求するため、準男爵位被授与者全体の社会層、およびケント・ノーフォーク両州における同称号被授与者の州内における地位を総体的に検討した。その結果、準男爵位を授与された家系の社会層は、たしかに全般的には低下傾向を示していた。その一方で、称号を保有する意味について地域的な差異が存在し、また称号の獲得は従来想定されたほどには社会階層間の流動性を促進していなかったという状況も判明したのである。