著者

小塩 慶

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.6, pp.641-677, 2017-11

著者

小塩 慶

出版者

吉川弘文館

雑誌

日本歴史 (ISSN:03869164)

巻号頁・発行日

no.861, pp.1-18, 2020-02

著者

小塩 慶

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.290-311, 2016-03

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The aim of this article is to grasp the significance of auspicious omens (shozui) in the context of the policy of Tang-style Sinification and clarify the reception of Chinese conception of auspicious omens in ancient Japan. Two periods when records of auspicious omens were particularly rare are the object of my analysis: these are the Tenpyo Hoji era under the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro and the early Heian period from the Konin to the Kasho era during the reigns of the emperors Saga, Junna, and Ninmyo. In the first section, I indicate that there were cases of auspicious omens not being recorded due to the humility of the emperor during the Latter Han dynasty. The fact that there was a tendency to denigrate auspicious omens and emphasize practical politics during the Tang has been pointed out in earlier studies, but when considering attitudes toward auspicious omens in Japan from the 9th century onward, the Latter Han attitude toward auspicious omens is important. Moreover, on the relationship between auspicious omens and calamities, previous scholarship has argued there was a direct correlation between the two, but on reexamination of the relationship, I have clarified that there was a tendency for the number of auspicious omens to decline as the number of calamities increased. Behind this was the fact that the two had different characters; auspicious omens were mental phenomena and the calamities were physical realities. In the second section, I consider the relationship of the small number of auspicious omens in the early Heian period and the policy of Tang-style Sinification. I compare in particular the Shoku Nihonkoki for Jowa 1.1 (834) and the imperial edict of the ninth month of Zhenguan 2 (628) in the Tang da zhaoling ji, and judging from the similarity of the language of the two, indicate that the edict of the first year of the Jowa era reflected that of Emperor Taizong of the Tang. Therefore, the small number of auspicious omens from this period can be understood as a result of the fact that the Japanese court knew that the Tang emperor had not favored auspicious omens and that they would not be recognized without reserve. Moreover, it should be noted that as a result of the humility of the Japanese emperors of the ninth century, there were many cases when auspicious omens were not accepted, and this logic was closer to the Latter Han example rather than the Tang, From this, auspicious omens in the early Heian period should be understood as the reception of not only Tang but also Latter Han thought. In the third section I focus on the auspicious characters that were a special characteristic of the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro and attempt to demonstrate the Sinification of auspicious omens. Auspicious characters are a variety of auspicious omen that was seldom if ever seen in Japan, but there were examples in China and the political policy as regards auspicious characters by Empress Wu Zetian, which is thought to have had influence at the time on Japan, can be seen in historical sources. Based on these facts, it can be said that auspicious characters had a particularly Chinese quality and we can conclude that the auspicious omens were Sinified through the Tang-style Sinification policy of Nakamaro. In the era of Fujiwara no Nakamaro the Chinese theory of accepting the will of heaven was already known, and auspicious characters were Rot simply a matter of a superficial copying of the achievements of Wu Zetian, and this indicates the influence of a profound understanding of the entirety of Chinese culture. Considering their limited relationship to auspicious omens and the policy of Tang-style Sinification that I elucidated in the second section, the fact that auspicious omens were not seen under the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro, which did use Chinese auspicious characters, can probably be explained in the same manner. Moreover, using auspicious omens to rule politically and then the trend to distain auspicious omens itself can also be seen in China. Furthermore, as calamities were frequently seen in this period, this too seems to have been a cause for the paucity of auspicious omens. In the fourth section, I address the trend towards the disappearance of auspicious omens from the Six Dynasties onward. In regard to the elimination of auspicious omens, I state my view that it would surely be necessary to consider the change in the character of the monarchical regime that was profoundly related to auspicious omens rather than the problem of the state of extant historical sources. In conclusion, as evidenced in sections two and three, the decrease in the number of records of auspicious omens can be explained as the reception of the Chinese influence within the policy of Tang-style Sinification. In this article I demonstrated factual evidence of the relationship between auspicious omens and the policy of Tang-style Sinification through examination of records of auspicious omens themselves. Moreover, it can be surmised that the Japanese court was conscious of the historical dynasties such as the Five Emperors and Latter Han rather than the contemporary Tang dynasty in regard to the Sinification of auspicious omens. In this article, I posit the image of "multiple Chinas" as a concept that would include multiple Chinese dynasties. It may be said that during the period that was strongly influenced by the Tang, the reception of the concept of auspicious omens occurred with this conception of "multiple Chinas" as its source.

著者

小塩 慶

出版者

史学研究会

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.290-311, 2016-03

著者

小塩 慶

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.6, pp.641-677, 2017-11

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本稿では、国風文化期における中国文化の受容の在り方を再検討する。従来の日本史研究ではほとんど扱われることのなかった『浜松中納言物語』『松浦宮物語』に見られる異国描写を手掛かりとして、平安時代の人々が何によって異国像を形成していたか、またその背景にはどのような社会状況を想定できるかを考察した。『浜松中納言物語』からは、類書的な漢籍知識や絵画による文化受容があり、その背景には、「宮仕え」を軸とした身分・性別を超えた文化の総体の存在を指摘できる。『松浦宮物語』には漢籍による文化受容が見られるが、令式に規定された古典的な漢籍がなお重要な位置を占めていた。中国から輸入された書籍の実態を再検討すると、それらが国風文化に与えた影響は限定的であったといえる。当該期に中国文化が広く受容されたのは、唐物の輸入といった対外交流以上に、唐絵や漢籍知識の類書化、漢籍の学習方法などの国内の文化動向によるものである。This article employs literary works, which have seldom been regarded favorably as objects of analysis in Japanese historiography, as primary sources to re-examine the structure of mid-to-late Heian culture (国風文化 kokufû-bunka). Specifically, it employs two fictional narratives, the Hamamatsu chûnagon monogatari 浜松中納言物語 and the Matsuranomiya monogatari 松浦宮物語, that use foreign countries as the background of the tales as keys to clarify the reception of Chinese culture and its reality in the period of kokufû-bunka. In the first section, I examine the Hamamatsu chûnagon monogatari. One can note that two types of expression can be discerned therein: expressions using Chinese literary works (漢籍 kanseki) and expressions that were verbal representations of Chinese-style paintings. However, the knowledge of Chinese literary works used by the author had previously been incorporated in Japanese narratives and paintings including the Collection of Japanese and Chinese Poems for Singing (和漢朗詠集 Wakan rôeishû), and thus did not extend beyond the boundaries of common knowledge known to the nobility of the time. In other words, one could say that there was a certain fixed, shared knowledge of Chinese literary works within the noble society of the day. In order to consider the background to the spread of such knowledge, I next considered the manner in which literature was received. At that time the mode of the reception of literature differed according to one's social status. Narrative fiction had a dual character, used both for entertainment and for education. In the salons of women of the highest ranks of the nobility, illustrated narratives were collected and also produced. For women in the middle rank of the nobility, these narratives were difficult to obtain, but they would occasionally receive them from women in the upper levels of the nobility. These two different types of reception were brought together by women in service to the influential families. In other words, the middle-ranking noble women who read the narratives given by higherranking noble women and who were the recipients of culture were transformed into the producers of new culture by becoming involved in the production of narratives in the salons. In this way, a cultural entity that spanned social ranks was formed, and the knowledge of Chinese literary works shared in noble society was selected. In the second section I examine the Matsuranomiya monogatari. Here too, one can point out representations of foreign lands based on Chinese literary works, but unlike the case of the Hamamatsu chûnagon monogatari, a greater degree of knowledge of Chinese works was required. I have focused in this article on the fact that classical works and histories such as the Book of the Han (漢書 Hanshu/Kanjo) and the Book of the Later Han (後漢書 Houhanshu/Gokanjo) and literary works such as the Anthology of the Verse of Bai Juyi (白氏文集 Baishi wenji/Hakushi bunshû or Hakushi monjû) played a large part in the basic character building and that histories of the Tang dynasty were in contrast only used to elaborate on official titles and characters' names. It can be surmised that this discrepancy was due to the manner of studying Chinese works by male government officials ever since the period of kokufû-bunka. Male officials studied under officials who had been educated in the Daigaku and they often studied Chinese works and were equipped with sufficient knowledge of classics and histories studied in the Daigaku and of the Baishi wenji, which was considered equally important. However, in regard to other Chinese works, it is thought that they were not studied fully enough to be applied to Japanese literature. Moreover, from the period of kokufû-bunka to the creation of the Matsuranomiya monogatari in the late 12th century, one cannot see a great change in the circumstance regarding the study of Chinese literary works. In the third section, I examine the influence of foreign relations in the move to the period of kokufû-bunka based on the foregoing considerations. Examples of imported Chinese literary works that can be found in historical records are limited, and it has become clear that only certain social classes (members of the imperial and regental houses, scholars, and Buddhist monks) could import literary works with relative ease. Considering that even these people could not necessarily obtain all the works they sought, there is little evidence that literary works imported from China were widely disseminated throughout various social classes. Moreover, the majority of literary works imported during the period were the Selections of Refined Literature (文選 Wenxuan/Monzen) and Baishi wenji and did not represent new knowledge. At least in terms of literature, the Chinese culture that had the most influence during the period of kokufû-bunka was chiefly from those works imported prior to the Jôwa era. These works were made into narratives and pictorialized, and through their study by male officials, they were incorporated into Japanese culture. While the manner in which Chinese culture was received during the period of kokufû-bunka involved the importation of material objects from China, it can be concluded that it largely depended on classical Chinese knowledge that was a matter of ideas.

著者

小塩 慶

出版者

史学研究会 (京都大学大学院文学研究科内)

雑誌

史林 = THE SHIRIN or the JOURNAL OF HISTORY (ISSN:03869369)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.2, pp.290-311, 2016-03-31

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The aim of this article is to grasp the significance of auspicious omens (shozui) in the context of the policy of Tang-style Sinification and clarify the reception of Chinese conception of auspicious omens in ancient Japan. Two periods when records of auspicious omens were particularly rare are the object of my analysis: these are the Tenpyo Hoji era under the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro and the early Heian period from the Konin to the Kasho era during the reigns of the emperors Saga, Junna, and Ninmyo. In the first section, I indicate that there were cases of auspicious omens not being recorded due to the humility of the emperor during the Latter Han dynasty. The fact that there was a tendency to denigrate auspicious omens and emphasize practical politics during the Tang has been pointed out in earlier studies, but when considering attitudes toward auspicious omens in Japan from the 9th century onward, the Latter Han attitude toward auspicious omens is important. Moreover, on the relationship between auspicious omens and calamities, previous scholarship has argued there was a direct correlation between the two, but on reexamination of the relationship, I have clarified that there was a tendency for the number of auspicious omens to decline as the number of calamities increased. Behind this was the fact that the two had different characters; auspicious omens were mental phenomena and the calamities were physical realities. In the second section, I consider the relationship of the small number of auspicious omens in the early Heian period and the policy of Tang-style Sinification. I compare in particular the Shoku Nihonkoki for Jowa 1.1 (834) and the imperial edict of the ninth month of Zhenguan 2 (628) in the Tang da zhaoling ji, and judging from the similarity of the language of the two, indicate that the edict of the first year of the Jowa era reflected that of Emperor Taizong of the Tang. Therefore, the small number of auspicious omens from this period can be understood as a result of the fact that the Japanese court knew that the Tang emperor had not favored auspicious omens and that they would not be recognized without reserve. Moreover, it should be noted that as a result of the humility of the Japanese emperors of the ninth century, there were many cases when auspicious omens were not accepted, and this logic was closer to the Latter Han example rather than the Tang, From this, auspicious omens in the early Heian period should be understood as the reception of not only Tang but also Latter Han thought. In the third section I focus on the auspicious characters that were a special characteristic of the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro and attempt to demonstrate the Sinification of auspicious omens. Auspicious characters are a variety of auspicious omen that was seldom if ever seen in Japan, but there were examples in China and the political policy as regards auspicious characters by Empress Wu Zetian, which is thought to have had influence at the time on Japan, can be seen in historical sources. Based on these facts, it can be said that auspicious characters had a particularly Chinese quality and we can conclude that the auspicious omens were Sinified through the Tang-style Sinification policy of Nakamaro. In the era of Fujiwara no Nakamaro the Chinese theory of accepting the will of heaven was already known, and auspicious characters were Rot simply a matter of a superficial copying of the achievements of Wu Zetian, and this indicates the influence of a profound understanding of the entirety of Chinese culture. Considering their limited relationship to auspicious omens and the policy of Tang-style Sinification that I elucidated in the second section, the fact that auspicious omens were not seen under the regime of Fujiwara no Nakamaro, which did use Chinese auspicious characters, can probably be explained in the same manner. Moreover, using auspicious omens to rule politically and then the trend to distain auspicious omens itself can also be seen in China. Furthermore, as calamities were frequently seen in this period, this too seems to have been a cause for the paucity of auspicious omens. In the fourth section, I address the trend towards the disappearance of auspicious omens from the Six Dynasties onward. In regard to the elimination of auspicious omens, I state my view that it would surely be necessary to consider the change in the character of the monarchical regime that was profoundly related to auspicious omens rather than the problem of the state of extant historical sources. In conclusion, as evidenced in sections two and three, the decrease in the number of records of auspicious omens can be explained as the reception of the Chinese influence within the policy of Tang-style Sinification. In this article I demonstrated factual evidence of the relationship between auspicious omens and the policy of Tang-style Sinification through examination of records of auspicious omens themselves. Moreover, it can be surmised that the Japanese court was conscious of the historical dynasties such as the Five Emperors and Latter Han rather than the contemporary Tang dynasty in regard to the Sinification of auspicious omens. In this article, I posit the image of "multiple Chinas" as a concept that would include multiple Chinese dynasties. It may be said that during the period that was strongly influenced by the Tang, the reception of the concept of auspicious omens occurred with this conception of "multiple Chinas" as its source.