著者

添谷 芳秀

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2008, no.151, pp.1-17,L5, 2008-03-15 (Released:2010-09-01)

参考文献数

19

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Postwar Japanese diplomacy has both benefited and suffered from the Yoshida Line of foreign policy, consisting of the peace constitution and the U. S. -Japan security treaty. This set of Yoshida's choices during the occupation period became the foundation of Japan's postwar economic recovery and eventually the rapid economic growth rendering Japan a world-class economic power. Deeply embedded in the Yoshida Line, however, was the structure of “dependence” on the United States for economic growth as well as security protection. This in turn has often invited, rather inevitably, challenges from nationalism attacking the lack of “autonomy” or “independence” of postwar Japan.This structural problem was also a source of criticism by external countries, especially the United States, for Japanese inaction or “free-riding, ” and the lack of a strategy. As Japan grew into an economic power and the negative views became prevalent concomitantly, some analysts rebuffed the criticism by arguing that the Yoshida's commitment to “light armament, economic growth, and the U. S. -Japan security ties” indeed constituted a strategy of postwar Japan. Simply put, the Yoshida Line was elevated to the Yoshida Doctrine.There were three types of discourse on the Yoshida Doctrine, which began to emerge since the end of the 1970s. One was to argue that the Yoshida Doctrine had been a viable strategy of postwar Japan, but that it would now need to be modified in a more proactive fashion. The second argument claimed that nationalistic challenges against the Yoshida Doctrine should be inevitable as Japan had recovered a sense of national pride, but that domestic political balance was still favorable to the supporters of the Yoshida Doctrine. Thirdly, it was contended that the Yoshida Doctrine was a strategic representation of Japan's political realism and should be retained as such particularly against the logic of military realism.The common denominator among the three was that the deep structure of “dependence” on the United States was taken for granted, or even assumed as the source of postwar Japan's successful strategy. This meant that the structural problem, susceptible to challenges by nationalism, was kept intact, which has now re-emerged as an old and new problem for Japan as it gropes for a new diplomacy, including possible revision of the peace constitution, in the 21st century.The articles in this volume traces the development of the Yoshida Line since the occupation period to the 1960s, when the deep structural problem was dodged, rather than rectified, in the evolutionary process of Japan's foreign policy making. There are three sets of propositions relevant for this period. Firstly, Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida had not successfully integrated his basic foreign policy with his Asian diplomacy, particularly toward China, demonstrating the lack of independent Asian policy on the part of postwar Japan. Secondly, close examinations of the origins of the peace constitution and the U. S. -Japan security treaty, as well as the origin of economycentered approach, reveals that the leaders, including Yoshida himself, did not expect that their choices should remain unchanged after the occupation period. Thirdly, this in turn calls for the scrutiny of Japanese diplomacy in the 1960s, when Japan grew into a global economic power precisely by putting a lid on the structural problem entrenched in the Yoshida Line.

著者

添谷 芳秀

出版者

慶應義塾大学法学研究会

雑誌

法学研究 (ISSN:03890538)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.2, pp.p79-101, 1992-02

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神谷不二教授退職記念号一、はじめに : 問題意識と分析視角二、三つの路線 : 「協調」、「自主」、「独立」三、対米「協調」と対米「自主」 (一) 対米「協調」の原型 : 吉田内閣 (二) 対米「自主」の原型 : 鳩山内閣、石橋内閣 (三) 対米「自主」の成長 : 岸内閣 (四) 対米「協調」の定着 : 池田内閣 (五) 「協調」と「自主」の融合 : 佐藤内閣四、対米「独立」の功罪五、むすびにかえて : 日本外交と「歴史」

著者

添谷 芳秀

出版者

慶應義塾大学法学研究会

雑誌

法学研究 (ISSN:03890538)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.2, pp.p79-101, 1992-02

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一、はじめに : 問題意識と分析視角二、三つの路線 : 「協調」、「自主」、「独立」三、対米「協調」と対米「自主」 (一) 対米「協調」の原型 : 吉田内閣 (二) 対米「自主」の原型 : 鳩山内閣、石橋内閣 (三) 対米「自主」の成長 : 岸内閣 (四) 対米「協調」の定着 : 池田内閣 (五) 「協調」と「自主」の融合 : 佐藤内閣四、対米「独立」の功罪五、むすびにかえて : 日本外交と「歴史」神谷不二教授退職記念号

著者

添谷 芳秀

出版者

慶應義塾大学法学研究会

雑誌

法学研究 (ISSN:03890538)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.83, no.3, pp.21-40, 2010-03

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はじめに国際平和協力への参画日米同盟の「再確認」人間の安全保障冷戦後日本外交をめぐる政治おわりに

著者

添谷 芳秀

出版者

JAPAN ASSOCIATION OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

no.116, pp.114-129,L12, 1997

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This article examines the role of ASEAN in the new order building process in the Asia-Pacific region within the context of U. S. overall policy toward the region after the end of the Cold War.<br>Today's Asia-Pacific region is in the middle of a protracted transitional period from the end of the Cold War to a new order which will eventually replace the Cold War order but has yet to take shape. The process is characterized by a dual structure of flux: a shifting balance of power among major powers, and the increasing capacity of ASEAN countries to influence the order building process at the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Seen this way, ARF embodies a restructuring of relations between external powers and smaller ASEAN countries.<br>In this context, U. S. Asia-Pacific policy under the Clinton administration was presented as a comprehensive one, emphasizing bilateral alliances and U. S. forward deployed forces, on the one hand, and multilateral security cooperation at ARF, on the other. A catalyst of this comprehensive approach was a long-term concern about an emerging China, in which the importance of ASEAN has steadily grown.<br>ASEAN countries clearly recognize that they cannot affect the final result of the balance of power game among big powers. Nonetheless, as long as today's transitional process continues, ASEAN can play a role in engaging external powers in their initiatives at ARF. For ASEAN to succeed in this, some extent of institutionalization of the ARF process is inevitable. With ARF covering the entire Asia-Pacific region, the "ASEAN-way" of building a Southeast Asian community by informal gradualism now faces an important turning point.

著者

添谷 芳秀

出版者

日本国際問題研究所

雑誌

国際問題 (ISSN:04523377)

巻号頁・発行日

no.528, pp.37-51, 2004-03