著者
福江 充
出版者
北陸大学
雑誌
北陸大学紀要 = Bulletin of Hokuriku University (ISSN:21863989)
巻号頁・発行日
no.49, pp.97-141, 2020-09-30

Tateyama in Etchū province was well known by Heian-era Japanese people as a sacredmountain that contained an actual hell. It was believed that all Japanese who committedsins during their lifetimes would fall into Tateyama's hell, and that Tateyama was a sacredsite where the living could meet the dead.Among the many works published during the second half of the Edo period by the popularand prolific playwright and novelist Jippensha Ikku (1765~1831) are two that took upthe theme of Etchū's Tateyama. Ikku published Etchū Tateyama Yūrei-mura Adauchi in1808 and "Etchū Tateyama sankei kikō" in the eighteenth volume of Shokoku dōchū kaneno waraji in 1828.The latter work has been transcribed and annotated by a number of scholars, and somehave studied it in the context of Tateyama belief; to some extent it has been introduced tothe academic world. The former work, however, has not received the same attention interms of transcription--it has only been quoted by a few scholars--and there has been nointroduction or analysis of the work as a whole.It is thought that Ikku travelled to Echigo, Etchū, and Kaga in 1826, and that he basedShokoku dōchū kane no waraji (1828) on that experience. Like one of his most famousworks, Tōkai dōchū hizakurige , it is comedic. By contrast, Etchū Tateyama Yūrei-muraAdauchi of 1808, published twenty years earlier, was composed with then-popular revengenovels in mind, as Ikku himself indicated at the beginning of the volume. In Ikku's novel,a young couple falls in love, the woman gets pregnant out of wedlock, they elope, the manis murdered by a middle-aged male stalker, and the victim appears as a ghost to thewoman he loves. Ikku further incorporated an old story about Tateyama's ghost town. Hethereby combined various motifs and genres to create this popular and entertaining novel.Ikku's two Tateyama-related works can be classified into different genres, but bothindicate a shift in perception of Tateyama from a sacred site of intense religious practiceduring the classical period to a mountain that welcomes tourism and offers entertainmentduring the Edo-period.In 1814, six years after the publication of Etchū Tateyama Yūrei-mura Adauchi, while under the rulership of Kaga domain's Maeda family, what had long been Tateyama'smountain-meditation route was circumvented. At the same time, the facilities at theTateyama hot-springs (close to the mountain's caldera and the many mountain peaks in thearea) were restored and a direct route was established from the mountains to the hotsprings.It was the start of a thriving hot-springs business. As a result of thesedevelopments, priests of the town Ashikuraji in Tateyama's foothills, who until then hadhosted pilgrims who climbed the mountain as religious practice, had to adjust to an increasein secular tourists and pleasure hikers. The sudden decrease in pilgrims put Ashikurajipriests into a very difficult practical and economic position. They had to rethink theirdoctrinal teachings and customs, such as appealing to women who had been excluded fromthe sacred mountain. Kaga domain's strategies for stimulating the local economy duringthe latter half of the Edo period threatened the older economy of Tateyama as a sacred site.Etchū Tateyama Yūrei-mura Adauchi reveals that Ikku witnessed these socio-economicchanges and that he was aware of--and poked fun at--Tateyama's traditional sacredcharacter. We also sense from this work that Ikku was prescient about the mountain's future.In this article I first transcribe and introduce Etchū Tateyama Yūrei-mura Adauchi .Then I analyze its contents and contribute to a deeper understanding of this work as ahistorical source important to research of Tateyama's religious history.江戸時代後期の人気作家・十返舎一九(1765~1831)の膨大な著作の中で、越中国立山を題材としたものに、文化5年(1808)刊行の『越中楯山幽霊邑讐討』と文政11年(1828)刊行の『諸国道中金草鞋』第18編の2冊がある。このうち後書は、これまで数人の研究者によって翻刻や解説及び立山信仰史研究における史料的位置づけが行われており、ある程度世に紹介されている。ところが前書については、数人の研究者による若干の言及はあるものの、基本となる翻刻書・翻訳書が全く見られない。もちろん史料分析も皆無である。小説といえども江戸時代の文化情報を多分に含み、史料価値が極めて高い『越中楯山幽霊邑讐討』をまずは翻刻・意訳し、紹介したい。なお、本格的な内容分析や立山信仰史研究の分野における同書の史料的位置づけは、論文の分量が多くなるため、稿を改めたい。
著者
福江 充
出版者
北陸大学
雑誌
北陸大学紀要 = Bulletin of Hokuriku University (ISSN:21863989)
巻号頁・発行日
no.54, pp.165-192, 2023-03-31

江戸時代初期、加賀藩前田氏は、立山衆徒(芦峅寺と岩峅寺の衆徒)を、のちに江戸幕府が本山末寺制度に基づいて日本の仏教界を統制する以前に、自藩の寺社奉行の支配下に治め、さらに立山衆徒に対し立山信仰に関わる宗教的諸権利を分与するかたちで認め、立山の実質的な管理をさせている。加賀藩のこうした政策は、同藩が立山・黒部奥山の広大な領域を誰にも邪魔されず独占的に支配するためのものであった。すなわち筆者は、加賀藩が立山・黒部奥山の軍事的重要性や鉱山資源・森林資源を有する場としての重要性、さらにはマイナス要件として、隣藩や江戸幕府との間で国境問題が勃発しかねない不安定な地域であることなどを強く意識するあまり、幕府の宗教界に対する統制よりも先んじて、立山衆徒を自藩の支配下に治め、彼らと各宗派の本山との間に本末関係を一切結ばせず、幕府の影響が直接的に及ばないようにする目的があったと推察している。そのため、以後、立山衆徒は他の寺社とは本末関係を結ばず、比叡山とは一切関係のない「無本山天台宗」或いは「天台宗門一本寺」を称して宗教活動を行っていった。しかし、加賀藩の政策に反して、長い江戸時代のなかで立山衆徒は加賀藩に徹頭徹尾支配されながらも、それとは別に加賀藩の外の権威を得ようとする動きが度々見られ、筆者はそうした行動が、いずれも近世の立山信仰の展開に大きな意義を持っていると考えている。そこで本稿では、立山衆徒が加賀藩の外の権威に関わった事例として、芦峅寺十三郎が京都吉田家から神道裁許を受けた件(第 1 章)、芦峅寺衆徒と武家の権威に関する件(第2 章・第 3 章)、岩峅寺衆徒が立山大先達の免許状を捏造した件(第 4 章)、岩峅寺衆徒と公家・門跡寺院の権威に関する件(第 5 章)の四つを題材に取り上げ、それらの実態と意義を立山信仰関係の古文書史料から分析し、最後に、以上の事例をとおして加賀藩の立山支配の在り方を考察した。
著者
福江 充
出版者
北陸大学
雑誌
北陸大学紀要 = Bulletin of Hokuriku University (ISSN:21863989)
巻号頁・発行日
no.49, pp.97-141, 2020-09-30

Tateyama in Etchū province was well known by Heian-era Japanese people as a sacredmountain that contained an actual hell. It was believed that all Japanese who committedsins during their lifetimes would fall into Tateyama’s hell, and that Tateyama was a sacredsite where the living could meet the dead.Among the many works published during the second half of the Edo period by the popularand prolific playwright and novelist Jippensha Ikku (1765~1831) are two that took upthe theme of Etchū’s Tateyama. Ikku published Etchū Tateyama Yūrei-mura Adauchi in1808 and “Etchū Tateyama sankei kikō” in the eighteenth volume of Shokoku dōchū kaneno waraji in 1828.The latter work has been transcribed and annotated by a number of scholars, and somehave studied it in the context of Tateyama belief; to some extent it has been introduced tothe academic world. The former work, however, has not received the same attention interms of transcription--it has only been quoted by a few scholars--and there has been nointroduction or analysis of the work as a whole.It is thought that Ikku travelled to Echigo, Etchū, and Kaga in 1826, and that he basedShokoku dōchū kane no waraji (1828) on that experience. Like one of his most famousworks, Tōkai dōchū hizakurige , it is comedic. By contrast, Etchū Tateyama Yūrei-muraAdauchi of 1808, published twenty years earlier, was composed with then-popular revengenovels in mind, as Ikku himself indicated at the beginning of the volume. In Ikku’s novel,a young couple falls in love, the woman gets pregnant out of wedlock, they elope, the manis murdered by a middle-aged male stalker, and the victim appears as a ghost to thewoman he loves. Ikku further incorporated an old story about Tateyama’s ghost town. Hethereby combined various motifs and genres to create this popular and entertaining novel.Ikku’s two Tateyama-related works can be classified into different genres, but bothindicate a shift in perception of Tateyama from a sacred site of intense religious practiceduring the classical period to a mountain that welcomes tourism and offers entertainmentduring the Edo-period.In 1814, six years after the publication of Etchū Tateyama Yūrei-mura Adauchi, while under the rulership of Kaga domain’s Maeda family, what had long been Tateyama’smountain-meditation route was circumvented. At the same time, the facilities at theTateyama hot-springs (close to the mountain’s caldera and the many mountain peaks in thearea) were restored and a direct route was established from the mountains to the hotsprings.It was the start of a thriving hot-springs business. As a result of thesedevelopments, priests of the town Ashikuraji in Tateyama’s foothills, who until then hadhosted pilgrims who climbed the mountain as religious practice, had to adjust to an increasein secular tourists and pleasure hikers. The sudden decrease in pilgrims put Ashikurajipriests into a very difficult practical and economic position. They had to rethink theirdoctrinal teachings and customs, such as appealing to women who had been excluded fromthe sacred mountain. Kaga domain’s strategies for stimulating the local economy duringthe latter half of the Edo period threatened the older economy of Tateyama as a sacred site.Etchū Tateyama Yūrei-mura Adauchi reveals that Ikku witnessed these socio-economicchanges and that he was aware of--and poked fun at--Tateyama’s traditional sacredcharacter. We also sense from this work that Ikku was prescient about the mountain’s future.In this article I first transcribe and introduce Etchū Tateyama Yūrei-mura Adauchi .Then I analyze its contents and contribute to a deeper understanding of this work as ahistorical source important to research of Tateyama’s religious history.
著者
福江 充
出版者
北陸大学
雑誌
北陸大学紀要 = Bulletin of Hokuriku University (ISSN:21863989)
巻号頁・発行日
no.47, pp.57-76, 2019-09-30

In April of 2018 the author acquired a two-scroll Tateyama mandara through Yahoo!Japan's auction website, Yafuoku! It arrived from an antique-art dealer in Shizuoka Citywith no additional information about its provenance. As it is currently in the author'scollection, it is herein referred to as the Fukue-ke Tateyama mandara.The two scrolls are probably remounted fragments that survive from what wasoriginally a set of four hanging scrolls. The fragments depict scenes of Tateyama's "hell"and of a ritual that was held in Tateyama's foothills called the Cloth-bridge Consecration(Nunobashi kanjō-e). The placement of that ritual within the overall composition indicatesthat it is an Ashikuraji-type Tateyama mandara. Closer inspection reveals resemblance tothe oldest extant Tateyama mandara versions, leading the author to speculate that it toois a relatively old Tateyama mandara.In this article the author first analyzes the composition and iconography of theFukue-ke version. Then he compares it to the Raigōji, Tsuboi-ke A, and Konzōin Tateyamamandara versions in order to establish its historical placement among these earlyAshikuraji-type Tateyama mandara.The Raigōji Tateyama mandara has long been regarded as the oldest amongAshikuraji-type Tateyama mandara versions. This comparison of early representations ofthe Cloth-bridge Consecration Rite, however, suggests that the Fukue-ke Tateyamamandara may be an even older work.新出の立山曼荼羅『福江家本』の構図や図像を詳しく分析し、次にその内容をもとに、これまで最も古いとされてきた芦峅寺系立山曼荼羅の『來迎寺本』、『坪井家A本』、『金蔵院本』の構図や図像と相互に比較し、それらの異同の意義を考察しながら、芦峅寺系立山曼荼羅の諸本における同作品の史料としての位置づけを提示した。その結果『福江家本』が、芦峅寺系立山曼荼羅諸本のなかで、前掲の『來迎寺本』などの3作品よりも、古い成立作品であることが判明した。
著者
福江 充
出版者
北陸大学
雑誌
北陸大学紀要 = Bulletin of Hokuriku University (ISSN:21863989)
巻号頁・発行日
no.48, pp.65-75, 2020-03-31

This paper reports on the recent discovery of an entry on the temple Shin-Zenkōji (inŌsumi's Soo-gun Takarabe-gō) in the Edo-period compilation of Satsuma history and loreentitled Sangoku meisho zue . According to the entry, Shin-Zenkōji, located in Takarabe-gōMoto-mura (the present-day Kitamata Sakamoto-chiku, Takarabe-chō, Soo-shi,Kagoshima), was established as a Shingon temple by a resident of Etchū's Tateyamanamed Niho Sakyō at the behest of Minamoto Yoritomo. For the new temple's main icon,Niho Sakyō had a bronze copy cast of the gilded-bronze Buddha worshipped at Shinano'sZenkōji. Some generations after Niho Sakyō's time, however, both Shin-Zenkōji's land andthat of the Niho family became public property, and the temple was abandoned. Because ofthis, the entry claims, the temple's sculpture of the Buddha Amida was transferred to theShingon temple Busshō-in in Takarabe-gō Sakuragi-mura.As early as the 1980s, Kubo Naofumi briefly wrote about the Zenkōji cult in Etchū in theToyama kenshi (Tsūshi-hen II Chūsei). There was additional research by Kubo andUshiyama Yoshiyuki in the 1990s, and by Suzuki Keiji in the 2000s, but a dearth ofrelevant historical materials has constrained more extensive studies of this theme. TheShin-Zenkōji mention is, therefore, extremely important for understanding the medievalZenkōji cult in Etchū as well as the relationship between the Tateyama and Zenkōji cults.This paper introduces the newly discovered entry.越中の善光寺信仰については、早くは1980年代に『富山県史(通史編Ⅱ中世)』のなかに、久保尚文氏による若干の言及が見られる。その後、1990年代に入ると久保氏と牛山佳幸氏、そして2000年代に入ると鈴木景二氏の論文が見られるものの、関係史料が僅かなため、それほど多くはない。そうした研究状況のもと、筆者は最近、薩摩藩の江戸時代後期の地誌『三国名勝図絵』のなかに、大隅国曽於郡財部郷の新善光寺に関する記載を発見した。本稿ではこの史料を翻刻・分析し、越中における中世の善光寺信仰、及び立山信仰と善光寺信仰との関係などを考察する。
著者
福江 充
出版者
北陸大学
雑誌
北陸大学紀要 = Bulletin of Hokuriku University (ISSN:21863989)
巻号頁・発行日
no.43, pp.65-73, 2017-12-31

越中国立山は、かつて女人禁制の霊場であった。そこで山麓の芦峅寺村では、地元宿坊衆徒の主催により、立山に入山できない女性に対し、男性の立山禅定登山と同じ意味をもつ儀礼として、村の閻魔堂・布橋・姥堂の宗教施設を舞台に、女性の浄土往生を願って布橋灌頂会と称する法会が開催された。最近、慶応2年(1866)の『音楽施主帳 当山若僧中』(芦峅寺大仙坊所蔵)と題する古文書史料を発見したが、その内容から幕末期の同儀式に雅楽が導入されていた可能性が出てきた。そこで、本稿では、この古文書史料を紹介し、さらに現代の布橋灌頂会イベントと雅楽の関係についても考察したい。