著者
筒井 洋一
出版者
一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会
雑誌
国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.1988, no.89, pp.42-56,L8, 1988

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the characteristics of the &ldquo;Antifa&rdquo;, a unique type of labor movement in Germany at the end of the World War II. The KGF in Bremen was one of the most influential Antifas. In contrast to other European countries at that time and to Germany at the end of the World War I, Germay after World War II was not liberated by the people themselves, but by the Allied Powers: most of the Germans were very passive and in the state of political apathy. In such circumstances, the KGF members were rare exceptions, and devoted themselves to the denazification of all the social sectors, the material reconstructions of daily life and the unification of the labor parties.<br>It is true that the KGF arose from the labor movement and spread through it, but finally it went beyond the traditional labor movement: it came to have its own decision and action apart from the labor parties in organizing the members, and it also made much of the so-called &ldquo;basic democracy&rdquo;, which means the decentralized and direct democracy in the lower branch of the organizations.<br>Consequently, it had to face the Military Governments (MG), the German civil administrations and the labor parties. MG and the administrations shared an interest to oppress the KGF, to delay the denazification and to reconstruct the traditional conservative administrations in the pre-Nazis era. At the beginning, the labor parties in Bremen kept step with each other to strengthen the KGF. Unlike most of the rank and file, however, many local leaders were obviously persuaded to pledge loyalty to the national leaders: to K. Schumacher in SPD, to W. Ulbricht in KPD. Their strategies tried to damage the unification policy by the KGF. Members of the split socialist groups criticized furiously this tendency and stood by the KGF. Those who would not agree with SPD nor KPD were too small in number to become the third group.<br>Besides those obstacles inside and outside of the labor movement, the KGF essentially had inner organizational weaknesses. In regard to its member structure, most were recruited from labor movement veterans, not so many from nonpartisans. More importantly, they had no more intentions to make long-range strategy, after having failed to gain unification. Finally they dissolved the KGF by themselves in early 1946. In mid-1940s and 1950s, the labor movement was almost involved in Cold War, neglecting the original ideas of the Antifa. However, we find its analogous type of movement in mid-1960s, when the &ldquo;new social movement&rdquo; appeared.
著者
筒井 洋一 宮田 悦次 中嶋 昌克
出版者
CIEC
雑誌
コンピュータ&エデュケーション (ISSN:21862168)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.3, pp.103-110, 1997

爆発的な勢いで普及するインターネットは、NPO/NGOセクターにおいても、急速に導入されている。そして、NPO/NGOとインターネットの発展は、歴史的にも相互の関連性が強く、両者には、自発性、グローバル性、横の連携といった共通点がある。しかし多くの団体では、インターネットを導入したものの、その特性を十分に生かしきれず、今後に課題を残す形となっている。NPOの一分野として、国際協力活動に従事する国際NGOにおいても同様の傾向が見られる。本稿では、国際NGOに対する当プロジェクトの諸調査とこれまでの研究動向を踏まえて、国際NGOにおけるインターネット利用の現状とその意義について明らかにする。結論として、インターネットは、情報の発信・公開を円滑かつ効率的におこなう情報通信メディアであるだけでなく、社会改革メディアともなりうる可能性について述べる。