著者

須江 國雄

出版者

日本大学

雑誌

紀要 (ISSN:03859983)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.289-308, 2000-03-31

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Many of the studies on Japan's heavy and chemical industries in the 1920s have cast these industries in a negative light and underestimated them. But while examination of empirical data indicates their regression and stagnation in the first half of the 1920s, the latter half of the decade was different. Though some variation exists between industries, steady development was visible in the second half of the 1920s, with the exception of 1928. These years were a period of renewed progress for the full spectrum of the heavy and chemical industries, although growth was primarily in the chemical and electric power businesses and rail service extending from city centers into outlying neighborhoods. As of 1929, 35.8% of Japan's manufacturing industries (metals, machinery, and chemicals) had become heavy and chemical industries. Supporting this evolution was the move among zaibatsu entities into heavy and chemical industry activities during the First World War. Much of this growth stemmed particularly from pathbreaking inroads into newly emerging heavy and chemical industries in the 1920s by four large zaibatsu that had grown larger because of a reshuffling in their ranks and by a new wave of business combines. By 1920 the four zaibatsu had adopted combine-like structures and reconfigured their operations to adapt to an expansion of scale. By making subsidiaries into joint-stock corporations, these zaibatsu also structured themselves to have assets for developing heavy and chemical industry operations. On top of this, as was illustrated by the liquidation of the business conglomerate Suzuki Shoten, zaibatsu pursued two routes to expansion: increasing the scale of their operations and making a full-fledged move into heavy and chemical industries. Enlargement of their operations involved the concentration of capital and the development of clusters through absorbing and blending the business resources-people, things, and money-of bankrupt zaibatsu from the Taisho period (1912-26) and mid-scale zaibatsu. The other route, entry into heavy and chemical industries, entailed forging alliances with foreign corporations and redirecting operations away from a traditional focus on light-industrial sectors.

著者

名東 孝二

出版者

日本大学

雑誌

日本大学経済学部経済科学研究所紀要 (ISSN:03859983)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, 1987-03-20

著者

栖原 学

出版者

日本大学経済学部経済科学研究所

雑誌

日本大学経済学部経済科学研究所紀要 (ISSN:03859983)

巻号頁・発行日

no.31, pp.91-106, 2001-09

著者

有馬 守康 齋藤 哲哉 小林 創 稲葉 大

出版者

日本大学経済学部経済科学研究所

雑誌

紀要 = Bulletin of Research Institute of Economic Science, College of Economics, Nihon University (ISSN:03859983)

巻号頁・発行日

no.49, pp.45-53, 2019-03

著者

本間 靖夫

出版者

日本大学

雑誌

日本大学経済学部経済科学研究所紀要 (ISSN:03859983)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.43-67, 1986-03-20

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This is a study based on four representative journals of money and banking published during the second decade of the Meiji era (1877-1887), and follows two themes. These two themes are: 1. Basic research on the material concerning the journals of money and banking in the second decade of the Meiji era (1877-1887); in other words, a bibliographical study on the early days of Japanese journals of money and banking and 2. A Study of the points in dispute which appeared in the journals of money and banking with regard to the introduction of the banking system into Japan, and the thought in money and banking which was behind it. The journals taken up as objects of study are: Ginko Zasshi (edited and published by Commercial Banks Division, Ministry of Finance, first published in December, the 10th year of Meiji, 1877), Rizai Shimpo (edited and published by the Takuzen-Kai, the predecessor of the Tokyo Bankers Assn., Inc., first published in May, the 11th year of Meiji, 1878), Tokyo Keizai Zasshi (edited by Ukichi Taguchi, published by Keizai Zasshi Sha, first published in January, the 12th year of Meiji, 1879), and Ginko Tsushin Roku (edited and published by Tokyo Ginko Shukai Jo, the descendant of the Takuzen-Kai, first published in December, the 18th year of Meiji, 1885). Study of such journals has a unique significance and role in the diffusion of thought in money and banking as well as in the formation of public opinion. On the other hand, there has not been enough systematic study on Japanese journals of money and banking, with only some prominent ones being taken up and not considered in entirety. Moreover, one can not say that the study on the history of thought in money and banking itself has been sufficiently made. Therefore, considering the above-mentioned points, the present paper is aimed at being an introduction to the study on the theory of money and banking and on the development of a system of money and banking in Japan. The findings of the analysis may be summarized as follows: 1. The development process of journals of money and banking may be divided into the following seven periods; (1)the 10th-11th of Meiji (1877-1878), (2)the 12th-19th of Meiji (1879-1886), (3)the 20th-27th of Meiji (1887-1894), (4)the 28th-38th of Meiji (1895-1905), (5)the 39th-45th of Meiji (1906-1912), (6)the Taisho period (1912-1926) and (7)Showa period-until the 20th of Showa (1945). 2. Of these above, this paper deals with periods (1) and (2). Period (1) corresponds to the time when the government published a journal for educating banking circles (Ginko Zasshi), and the Bankers Association published a journal for educating fellow bankers (Rizai Shimpo), on the occasion of the introduction of banking system into Japan from abroad. 3. Period (2) is the time when criticism against the early banking system began and the target of enlightenment was shifted to the general public, as in the case of Tokyo Keizai Zasshi. Ginko Tsushin Roku, a journal for the exchange of information among bankers was published as the bulletin of the Bankers Association as well. 4. It was after period (6) that a large number of reviews of money and banking were published. Until that time, the two journals listed under period (2) had played important roles as representative journals of money and banking. 5. Knowledge of banking imparted during periods (1) and (2) had its source in the thought of banking among English bankers and scholars such as A. Shand, A. Crump, H. D. Macleod and W. Badgehot. Likewise, Tokyo Keizai Zasshi was modeled after the Economist of London. As "a foreigner in Government employ", A. Shand introduced the bank book-keeping system into Japan and taught the concept of English type commercial bank management, or sound banking, to Japanese bankers. 6. In the second decade of the Meiji era, money and banking theory was introduced into Japan, based on a liberal economy developed on the theory of the classical school of England. However, it was more influenced by H. D. Macleod than by the mainstream of the classical school of England at that time, the Manchester School, to which D. Ricard, J. S. Mill and H. Fawcett, etc. belonged.

著者

里田 武臣

出版者

日本大学

雑誌

日本大学経済学部経済科学研究所紀要 (ISSN:03859983)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, pp.17-25, 1991-03-20

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The role of the market mechanism is now being reappreciated partly as a consequence of the frustration of planned economies. In order that the market mechanism can smoothly function and satisfactory market performance can be realized, it is obviously important to compensate with deliberate policies for the limitation of the market mechanism, which is often referred to as market failure, but it is no less important to take note of the behaviors of and mutual relationships among business enterprises, consumers and the government, who all participate in the market mechanism. If the ultimate objective of economic activities lies in the improvement of people's life, it is reasonable to ascribe the right of final decision on the all option of resources to consumers, who constitute the people of a nation. Viewed the other way around, unless the consumer's choice is ensured, there can be realized no desirable allocation of resources for people. In Japan, as the protection and fostering of entrepreneurs has been given overriding priority under the policy to boost production and promote industry since the Meiji period, the importance of ensuring the consumer's choice, and of consumer policies to make it possible, was little recognized. The frequent occurrence of disastrous victimization of consumers during the phase of high economic growth, however, aroused the awareness of consumers, leading to the development of full-scale consumer policies. The consumer's choice greatly benefits by the liberalization of international trade. It is constrained by various regulatory measures taken by government. For this reason, further liberalization of international trade and deregulation are under way. The Japanese system of consumer policies consists of two main pillars, regulation of business activities on one hand and the enlightenment of and the supply of information to consumers on the other. In the former aspect, more recently, business enterprises are called on to strengthen their own responsibilities. As regards the latter, the essentials of the consumer's choice, in other words the desirable way of consumer life, in the affluent society are being redefined, and the importance of consumer education is emphasized.

著者

齋藤 宏之

出版者

日本大学

雑誌

日本大学経済学部経済科学研究所紀要 (ISSN:03859983)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, pp.87-104, 1991-03-20

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Wesley Clair Mitchell, while analyzing the evolving stage of capitalism after the 1870's, when concern about monopoly, poverty, depression, and waste increased and institutional contradictions of the U.S. intensified, at the same time raised objections to the unrealistic assumptions of orthodox economics and the conclusions derived from them. Many orthodox economists, however, still adhered to the classical school dating back to Adam Smith, and subscribed to the view that the laissez-faire system was satisfactory. They were unable to propose an effective prescription against the above mentioned unexpected harms which had resulted from the Smith-derived laissez-faire policy. Under these circumstances, Mitchell attempted to propose national economic planning from the standpoint of advancing social control and reform. This gave him an important opportunity to thoroughly criticize the Smith's economics. In view of this, I will mainly focus my consideration on Chapter 2 "Adam Smith and How Political Economy Came to be Systematized in England" in Mitchell's Types of Economic Theory: From Mercantilism to Institutionalism. I would also like to find out how much Mitchell revealed, in his statement taken up in this article of mine, form the social reformist viewpoint of advocating the achievement of social change through government intervention in the economy, the relationship between laissez-faire and self interest derived from Smith's hypothesis on the characteristics of human nature, which was his answer to its central issue. Then Mitchell detected that Smith's belief in laissez-faire had derived not from observations but from a syllogism developed around his conception of human nature, i.e. it was conclusions through a series of reflections and reasoning. Mitchell further perceived the historical limitation of Smith's theory in the sense that his faith in individual initiative embodied a new practice, which was becoming a mass phenomenon in the 18th century England. Taking account of these points, we can essentially and comprehensively understand the ineivtability that Mitchell, when he was faced with the institutional contradictions of the American monopolistic capitalism, chose the economic theory of Smith as the object of his criticism and the conclusions he reached in the relatively late stage of his scholarly life.

著者

津久井 弘光

出版者

日本大学

雑誌

日本大学経済学部経済科学研究所紀要 (ISSN:03859983)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.21, pp.15-77, 1996-01-31

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Following the May 4th Movement, a series of anti-Japanese nationalistic movements broke out in China. Due to the post-World War I depression and the crisis faced by the cotton industry, the Movement to Repeal Japan's 21 Articles and the Movement to Recover Luda flared up in 1923, mainly in the Shanghai area, in the form of a movement to break off economic ties with Japan. With the wartime "Golden Era" serving as the backdrop, four textile mills were established with private-sector funds in Wuhan after 1919. Due to requirements arising from the operation of their funds, the cotton thread and textile merchants selected Qianzhuang as the place to invest their capital and launch business operations. In this way, an association (which also included stockholders) of business executives/ cotton-thread and -textile merchants/and Qianzhuang capitalists came to be established. A market for reproduction on a progressive scale was a sin qua non, which the Wuhan cotton industry capitalists could not do without. Thus, the recently established Wuhan National Textile Co. (Chinese operated) had to stake its very existence on engaging and fighting the Nihon Textile Co. (run by resident Japanese) and the Shanghai National Textile Co. It was in this manner that the anti-Japanese movement was accelerated in a hardhitting way by the Wuhan National Foreign Relations Committee (Wuhan Guomin Wai-jiao Wei-yuan-hui), chiefly consisting of school teachers and students, and the All-Hubei Province Businessmen's Foreign Relations Support Group (Hubei Quan-sheng Shang-jie Wai-jiao Hou-yuan-hui), spearheaded by the Hankow Merchants' Association (Hankou Zong-shang-hui). On the other hand, the Hankow Kyoryu Mindan (Hankow Association of Resident Japanese) and the Hankow Nihon Shogyo Kaigisho (Hankow Japanese Chamber of Commerce) called on the government to put an end to the anti-Japanese movement; and the Federation of Japanese Chambers of Commerce in China (Zai-chugoku Nihon Shogyo Kaigisho Rengokai) and the Japan Chamber of Commerce sponsored an extraordinary meeting in Shanghai in July to check the movement. With an eye to desensitizing the anti-Japanese activities, Japanese business representatives engaged in a series of talks with their Chinese counterparts, who were headed by the deputy chairman of the Shanghai Merchants' Association (Shanghai Zong-shang-hui). And, in the course of those negotiations, anti-Japanese protesters in Tianjin deserted the movement. The issuing of orders in August for the arrest of the leaders of the anti-Japanese campaign resulted in strengthening solidarity within the aforementioned "foreign relations support group" (Wai-jiao Hou-yuan-hui). But toward the end of August, a banquet cosponsored by the representatives of Japanese and Chinese business circles and the surfacing of the question of sending relief to the victims of the Great Kanto (Tokyo-Yokohama area) Earthquake resulted in splitting and further assuaging the sting of the anti-Japanese movement. This motivated the Wuhan National Foreign Relations Committee into organizing the All-Hubei Provincial National Foreign Relations Committee (Hubei Quan-sheng Guo-min Wai-jiao Wei-yuan-hui) which was participated in by Chinese Communist Party members in charge of the local districts. This group then joined hands with the radical elements of the "foreign relations support group," thus making the anti-Japanese movement all the more intense. Although the All-Hubei committee (Wai-jiao Wei-yuan-hui) was subsequently closed down and disbanded by armed police, the movement was kept alive for a while by both organizations. But from November onward, following the bankruptcy of Qianzhuang and its affiliated companies due to the tightening of the money situation, and with the talks between the Beijing Government and Japanese Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary Yoshizawa serving as the backdrop, instructions calling for more rigid enforcement of regulations were issued and both organizations began shifting toward a reconcilition. And they eventually decided to leave the details of the anti-Japanese movement up to the discretion of individual members. Even in the Wuhan district, where the anti-Japanese movement continued to the bitter end, all activities hostile to the Japanese petered out in December. In 1924, the following year, Ji Ming credited the Japanese as having managed to narrowly escape death by the skin of their teeth--" thanks to the fact that the Chinese side lacked a single sandbag."

著者

佐藤 光宣

出版者

日本大学

雑誌

日本大学経済学部経済科学研究所紀要 (ISSN:03859983)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.209-235, 1983-03-20

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In this paper I have attempted in a limited way to assess the economic thought of Thorstein Veblen, the founder of the institutional school of economics. In doing this I have inquired into Veblen's criticisms of the economics of John Bates Clark who originated the theory of marginal utility economics in the United States of America. Despite the fact that the economics of both Veblen and Clark were established in the monopolistic stage of American capitalism, they are in decided conflict. This should ultimately be explained in terms of the opposed standpoints of Newtonianism and Darwinism from this viewpoint I am particularly interested in how this conflict has been carried over into economic theory. Firstly, Veblen disputed the economic assumptions held since the publication of Clark's main work, The Distribution of Wealth (1899), to the effect that patterns appeared to have been perfected. These assumptions were the hedonistic view of human nature, the free competition system as a postulate a priori, and the theory of social organism which has an essentially atomistic character. As such they are basically in common with those of the classical school, and from the standpoint of pragmatism and Darwinism, Veblen felt duty-bound to criticise them. Secondly, according to Veblen, Clark's static state had the normative character of natural law and that therefore a dynamic state founded on a static state possessed a static character. Clark claimed, moreover, that changes in the dynamic state were governed by static laws which were the real laws. In this Veblen discerned an animistic teleological preconception. Accordingly, Clark's dynamic state has no relation to Veblen's "theory of movement." The latter's theoretical theme is the process of aimless cumulative change in institutions. Furthermore, Veblen disputed Clark's theory of capital. So I studied Veblen's theory of capital as developed in The Theory of Business Enterprise (1904) and found it to be at variance with that of Clark. In Veblen's view, in a society of a pecuniary culture, that is to say in a capitalistic society, there is a pecuniary concept, and this cannot be automatically defined in material terms in the way Clark does. However, Clark essentially used the approach of the classical school and did not include intangible assets in his definition of capital. Intangible assets, or "good-will," are fundamental to the prospective earnings capacity of the enterise and are consequently concerned with capitalization. Therefore Clark could not discuss overcapitalization in detail and moreover was not capable of theoretically forecasting the Great Depression which started in 1929. On the other hand, Veblen, by applying his principle of cumulative causation, explained the phenomena of capitalization and predicted economic trends. Finally, Veblen criticized Clark's "natural" theory of distribution. This final productivity theory is based on Newtonian principles according to which the theory of distribution is characterized by a concept of capital with no scope for change, the immutability of the institution of private property and a hedonistic view of human nature. From a Darwinistic point of view, therefore, Veblen could not accept these premises and so was obliged to criticize the distribution theory itself. Furthermore, a distribution theory which had to be "natural" even permitted monopolistic behavior by enterprises. In this way Veblen investigated the residue of natural law in Clark's economics and the influence of Newtonianism and its limitations by contrasting them with his own evolutionary economics.