著者

須川 亜紀子

出版者

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学

巻号頁・発行日

no.47, pp.93-121, 2005-09

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In Satoshi Kon's film Sennen Joyu, or Millennium Actress (2001), the memories and true love of a retired actress, Chiyoko Fujiwara, are narrated. Her life is depicted just as a mélange of her various identities in the different time periods and settings of the movies in which she has played a main character. In order to express the cross section of Chiyoko's recollection, Kon employs a unique spiral-like narrative structure in which time streams shift back and forth between the inner world of Chiyoko's past and the outer world of her present. The search for her first love, "Mr. Key," is repeatedly displayed through the passages of time in the sequences of her movies and her real life. She, however, never reaches him. Love and marriage dominantly serve to construct the identity of heroines, as seen, for instance, in a series of Walt Disney Studio's princess stories and many Japanese TV animations for girls. How heroines achieve self-fulfillment by being accepted by princes, or their love, has greatly influenced the construction of gender identity among viewers not only in the US but also in Japan. In Millennium Actress, however, autonomous women, who lead lives without male acceptance, are successfully engaged. In this film, with Chiyoko's incomplete love moving in pursuit through the spiral-like narrative structure, the focus on the lives of women deftly shows the value of process rather than outcome. In this paper, I will first explore the unique narrative structure that allows a flexible approach to time and memory. I will also highlight representations of women by analyzing images of incompleteness and circles such as a spinning wheel, the 14th day moon, and Chiyoko's endless pursuit of her love.

著者

清水 純子

出版者

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学 (ISSN:09117180)

巻号頁・発行日

no.64, pp.35-54, 2014-03

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"Spy" is a person whose job involves secretly gathering and reporting information about another country, organization, group, or enemies without the consent of the information-holders. Espionage is a set of clandestine and constitutional activities carried out for government or commercial purposes. Yet, as a matter of course, spying is illegal and is punishable by law. Thus, espionage is almost always accompanied by danger; it is unavoidable that some risks will be run in this kind of work. In a word, spying is a mission that may jeopardize one's life. The duties of a spy are required most in wartime. During the 20th century, when many wars occurred, there was much demand for spying and espionage: the governments of many countries needed able spies, especially for military purposes.In the film world, spy films have always been quite popular because of their entertaining qualities: they contain thrilling action, suspense, and the seduction of beautiful women. Among countless spy films, the most popular is the 007 series, which premiered in 1964. 007 focuses on a British gentleman spy called James Bond. Although it is difficult to find female spy movies that can rank with the 007 series, the classic Mata Hari might just be a match for 007. It is said that beauty and charm are the merits of the female spy, while the man she seeks is at the center of power and holds confidential information. Through the so-called "honey trap"—the use of a seductive woman to tempt a man into passing highly classified information to her government or syndicate—female spies play an active role in the 1930s film world. Among several 1930s female spy films, this paper focuses on Dishonored and Mata Hari. I will examine the universal themes that these two movies encompass: the anxiety of excessive information management; concealment through the power of the government; and the importance of personal dignity, rights, and happiness.

著者

土屋 博政

出版者

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学

巻号頁・発行日

no.39, pp.27-147, 2001

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This paper deals with the first half of Clay MacCauley's superinten-dence of the Unitarian Mission to Japan (1890-1900), the second period in its overall history (1887-1923). Our theme is : "Why could not the Unitarians increase their members in Japan?" As my last paper showed, Arthur May Knapp and other Unitarian missionaries were all welcomed by leading Meiji figures. Fukuzawa Yukichi, Kaneko Kentaro and other eminent people offered them every convenience to spread their liberal movement. Their future looked full of promise. Knapp and MacCauley were convinced that their religion would prevail among intellectuals and the upper classes in the very near future. Knapp considered himself `a man with an Empire on his hands'. After Knapp left Japan for health reasons toward the end of 1890, however, the Mission began to grow less rapidly than had been expect-ed. Why? There were several reasons, both external and internal. From the second decade of the Meiji era (1877-), Japanese increas-ingly came to accept the principle that the Emperor occupied a special position in the nation. An important turning point in attitudes to the West came with the failure of attempts at revision of the unequal treaties in 1888. In the Meiji Constitution of 1889 the Emperor granted his people limited political rights, but the Imperial Rescript on Educa-tion of 1890 emphasized the duty of loyalty to the throne. There was a reaction against Christianity and things western. As a result, the Japanese people stopped imitating the West and searched for a culture which was distinctly Japanese. At the outset Unitarianism fitted in well with the atmosphere of "nationalism", because the Unitarians respected Japanese culture and religions. In fact, Knapp was surprisingly successful in his first few years. According to Fenollosa, `The marvel of his success is stated when I say that in less than two years he alone has accomplished far more with the upper classes than a large corps of evangelical mission-aries have been able to do in thirty.' Nonetheless, the reaction against Western ideas went further than Knapp and MacCauley had anticipated. As events moved toward the Sino-Japanese War (1894-95), Kaneko and other leading intellectuals began to disassociate themselves from the Unitarians. To ordinary Japanese the Unitarian movement belonged to Christianity after all, however liberal it might look. There were two major internal factors which prevented the Unitar-ians from flourishing : problems connected with MacCauley's personal-ity and leadership, and problems connected with the organization of the Mission itself. It was reported that "Knapp was able to secure the cooperation of influential Japanese, but MacCauley was not." Mac-Cauley was not so much a leader as a lone thinker, who was poor at communicating his ideas clearly to his co-workers. Soon after Knappwent home, MacCauley's clumsy handling of Kato Satori, the first Japanese Unitarian minister, led to the latter's withdrawal. In Knapp's view, "MacCauley was lacking in the diplomatic ability" to cope with Kato's problem. He also mentioned MacCauley's "almost morbid sensi-tiveness in regard to the dignity and responsibility of his position." Some influential members left the Mission after this incident. When contemplating the problems the Mission had as an organiza-tion, we must consider three aspects : finance, policy, and the liberal nature of Unitarianism itself. As far as the finance was concerned, the problem was straightforward. Since the American Unitarian Associa-tion was very small, it did not have sufficient funds to support the Japan Unitarian Association. If mission funds had been more abundant, the Mission might have been able to spread its net wider and win more supporters. The Unitarian missionaries had their own policies regarding mission work. First, they relied heavily on mission literature. It is true that their magazine and tracts were "very active, effective missionaries", but MacCauley's dependence on literature alone was not effective in keep-ing members within the circle. MacCauley underestimated the emo-tional dimensions of religious faith. It is well known that not only rituals, but also ornamental images and music are very helpful to keep faith alive. This was as true of religion in Japan as elsewhere. The Unitarians tended to be too intellectual, even for the intellectuals who were their targets. Unitarian models were absolutely necessary. Because of his sociable nature, Knapp was a living example to the Japanese of what Unitarian faith entailed. We find the following statement in The Japan Weekly Mail : "Mr. Knapp is himself a type of the faith he professes. Tolerant,liberal, genial, and highly cultured, he is precisely the sort of man to appeal to the refined and critical tendencies of the educated Japanese." MacCauley, however, failed to be a good model of Unitarianism since he preferred not to associate with the upper classes and intellectual leaders. Without Knapp, therefore, the Unitarian Mission lost much of its appeal. Secondly, Unitarian policy concerning the incorporation of other religions, especially Buddhism, turned out to be ambiguous. According to MacCauley, there were two kinds of opinion among American Unitarians ; "those which have been formed through the relations of Unitarians to historic Christianity and those which have resulted from free philosophic and scientific speculation upon many of the problems confronting human life." According to the first class of opinion, Unitar-ians were Christians. The second class of opinion saw Unitarians as philosophic theists, scientific moralists, and students who were sympa-thetic with all the forms of religion. Conservative Unitarians favored the former opinion and many radical Unitarians the latter, but Mac-Cauley was a middle-of-the roader. He professed himself a Christian, yet he was also willing to admit that Japanese Unitarians did not necessarily have to be Christians. His position caused confusion both within the Mission and outside. Liberal Christians such as Universalists and members of the Fukyu Fukuin Kyokai (General Evangelical Church) had no hostility to Buddhism, but hesitated to cooperate with the Unitarians because they were unwilling to compromise their Chris-tian identity. On the other hand, only a few Buddhists joined the Mission because there were some important Buddhist teachings which were incompat-ible with Unitarian beliefs. For example, Buddhists usually have nofaith in God the Father or in the immortality of the soul. The Jodo and the Jodo-Shin schools were exceptions, because of the stress placed on faith in the vow of Amida. Members of these schools found it less difficult in accept Unitarian teachings. It is no wonder that such leaders as Saji Jitsunen and Nakanisi Usio belonged to the Jodo-Shin school. However, the Jodo and the Jodo-Shin schools were only minority Buddhist groups in Japan. The liberal nature of Unitarianism itself caused some difficulties in Japan. As a critic said, "Unitarianism flourishes as a parasite on other bodies when their vitality is low." When standing alone, it could hardly walk. The chief reason why Unitarianism as Christian liberalism did not take root in Japan lay in the fact that it did not require people to leave their previous faiths and actually become formal members. Christians dissatisfied with more orthodox forms of Christians were potential customers, but there were very few such people in Japan. Unitarianism might therefore have broadened the minds of some Christians, but it rarely led complete unbelievers to liberal Christianity. The liberalism of Unitarianism also made it difficult for the Mission to develop a distinct identity. In the U.S. the radicals of the A.U.A. established their own group, the Free Religious Association. They rejected the word "Christian" from their statement of principles as too narrowing ; broadening out still more, they even expunged the word "theistic" and were ready to include agnosticism. In 1896 the Japan Unitarian Association came to resemble this radical offshoot, conse-quently the A.U.A. halved their financial aid. Previously, in 1893 the Association's Jiyu Shin Gakko (School for Liberal Theology) was only able to attract new students by waiving entrance and tuition fees, since so few students were willing to study Unitarianism.As is generally known, Fukuzawa, Kaneko, and other leaders suppor-ted the Mission in various ways. But none of them joined it. Three professors at Keio University, Garrett Droppers (Dutch Reformed) , W. J. Liscomb (Baptist) and J. H. Wigmore (Episcopal), had come to Japan to help the Mission. Although they were in full agreement withUnitarianism, none of them actually became Unitarians, or attendedUnitarian services on Sunday. Why did they do so? The reason wassimple : because they did not have to. MacCauley had claimed thatUnitarianism should not be a sect but a movement. Its mission to Japanwas just to spread a liberal faith. Membership figures were not thecentral concern.

著者

徳永 聡子

出版者

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学 (ISSN:09117180)

巻号頁・発行日

no.66, pp.37-45, 2015-03 (Released:2015-00-00)

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Medieval literary works popular in manuscript culture were not necessarily inherited by the print culture. Then which texts were chosen to be published by the first generation of printers in England? This paper offers a preliminary overview of the reception of medieval literature in England in the transitional period from manuscript to print by comparing the list of publications of William Caxton, England's first printer, and that of his follower Wynkyn de Worde. While Caxton's publishing style was largely influenced by the manuscript tradition and distinguished by his translation (especially from French prose romance), de Worde seems to have been more active than his master in not only expanding the market for religious works and romance (both prose and verse) but also cultivating a relationship with his contemporary authors.

著者

広本 勝也

出版者

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学

巻号頁・発行日

no.44, pp.15-40, 2004-03

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序I(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)II(1)(2)(3)(4)(5)(6)(7)(8)(9)(10)結語

著者

Shea David P.

出版者

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学 (ISSN:09117180)

巻号頁・発行日

no.70, pp.17-38, 2017-12

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Recently, the noted American film director, Regge Life, came to Keio University as a guest speaker to talk about his films, particularly his newest feature, Cocktail Party, an adaptation of the award-winning Japanese novel by Tatsuhiro Oshiro. The film suggests that harm is an inevitable part of the U.S. military presence in Japan, in spite of stated policy intentions. Further, by making the protagonist from Tokyo, the suggestion is made that all of Japan is implicated in the relationship with America – and, by extension, the larger world and its languages, cultures, and ethnicities. In his talk, Mr. Life also spoke about one of his first documentary films, Doubles, which introduces multiracial children who have rights and allegiances to two languages and two cultures. In this essay, I discuss issues raised by Mr. Life, with particular reference to student response to Cocktail Party, as well as my personal experience raising bilingual, bicultural children on the one hand, and dealing with being defined in racial terms as a outsider in Japan, on the other. I argue that while race is fundamental to understanding American society, it was not until I came to Japan that I understood what being white (or colored) really means. The issue is relevant for Japanese who, like the young protagonist in Cocktail Party, are caught up in global events and struggle to assert agency and responsibility in an increasingly multiracial, multilingual world.

著者

鈴木 五郎

出版者

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学

巻号頁・発行日

no.46, pp.177-205, 2005-03

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Among the heroines that appear in all the dramatic works of WilliamShakespeare, Ophelia, although a tragic heroine, seems to be most loved,most popular, and best remembered. She has always been a source ofinspiration to many artists, regardless of age or nationality. What isdistinctly noteworthy in the dramatic description and representation of thistragic heroine through the mouthpiece of Gertrude in Act IV, scene vii,lines 167–84 in Hamlet (Peter Alexander edition of The Complete Worksof William Shakespeare) lies in its aesthetically and imaginatively richlanguage and dramatic poetry. As Shakespeare has successfully dramatisedand immortalised the Hamlet's well-known "To be, or not to be" soliloquyin Act III, scene i, the dramatist has also successfully succeeded here inimmortalising Ophelia as a tragic yet graceful and unforgettable heroine.The dramatic language and poetry employed and portrayed in theseimmortal lines had never failed to leave such celebrated nineteenth- andtwentieth-century painters as Ferdinand Victor Eugène Delacroix, JohnEverett Millais, and Paul Albert Steck unaffected and untouched: they werewithout doubt all charmed and drawn into the Shakespearian heart-rendingcharacter of Ophelia with such mounting passion and such enkindledimagination. This paper attempts to present a new and radical approach tointerpretation of Ophelia by way of taking into account some considerationsof the three prominent painters and their individual works of Ophelia inconnection with the Hamlet films, with a view to better understanding whatessentially constitutes and configures the disposition and behaviour of thistragic heroine. With the eleventh lithograph illustration of "Death of OPHELIA" in theseries of 13plates of 'Lithograph Illustrations for "Hamlet"', all of which wereproduced from 1834 to 1848, Ferdinand Victor Eugène Delacroix (1798–1863)lithographically and three-dimensionally represents the heroine's soul that is"struggling to be free" in the presence of "Cosmic Unconscious". John Everett Millais (1829–96), representing the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhoodwith William Holman Hunt and Dante Gabriel Rossetti and drawing inspirationmost likely from Hamlet, painted his masterpiece Ophelia, which recreatesan elaborate scene of Nature in which Ophelia, like a "mermaid-like", floatsdown a stream, chanting "snatches of old lauds". The drowning scene havingbeen realistically yet imaginatively depicted with highly aesthetic and poeticsensibilities, Millais encompasses within the canvas a red-breasted cockrobin, sitting on a bush and singing a psalm to Ophelia's "melodious lay". Thepresence of the cock robin suggests its symbolic metaphor for "forgiveness" andreconciliation. Paul Albert Steck (1866–1924) painted a visionary Ophelia underwater in hisOphélia. Nevertheless, the vision and intuition manifested in his work genuinelyinspire people more with "mirth" and less with "dirge". Ophelia in the artist's mind'seye is permanently transformed into an elegant and graceful court lady with prayers. With these paintings and the lithograph illustration in mind, one is alsoreminded that Ophelia's tears, often gushing from her eyes, do not prove herselfto be a woman of "frailty" at Elsinore, but rather a woman of warm affection andpatience —— a quality or "rarity" whose nature had been nurtured during theMiddle Ages and far into the Renaissance.

著者

小町谷 尚子

出版者

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学 (ISSN:09117180)

巻号頁・発行日

no.71, pp.55-74, 2019-03

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In the twentieth century Bakhtinian reading, Jack Cade in Shakespeare's Henry VI, Part 2 was regarded as a trickster because he disobeys the ruling class and brings an inversion of values to the world of the play. However, unlike other Shakespearean villains, Cade displays the anarchic nature inherent in heroes of the picaresque narrative which started to spread across Europe contemporaneously with Shakespeare's writing career. Ever a picaro, Cade is consistently a carefree rascal who uses satire to expose society's flaws. The plot revolves around the innocent but willful character of Cade, who claims to be a legitimate successor to the throne, and not a mere puppet of York. Rather than functioning as a subversive character slotted into a story about Henry VI's weak kingship over his nobles, Cade provides an autonomous side story about how a rebel's revolt was stirred up and contained. This paper examines Cade's language and anamorphic discourse to show how Shakespeare created him as an emerging picaresque hero. It then goes on to propose that Shakespeare's use of Cade not as a clownish anti-hero but as a prototype picaro anticipates his later creation of the rogue Autolycus in The Winter's Tale.

著者

浅川 順子

出版者

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学 (ISSN:09117180)

巻号頁・発行日

no.70, pp.1-16, 2017-12

著者

De Wolf Charles

出版者

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学 (ISSN:09117180)

巻号頁・発行日

no.70, pp.39-56, 2017-12

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著者別名 : 須田, 狼庵(Suda, Roan)

著者

辺見 葉子

出版者

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学

巻号頁・発行日

no.37, pp.93-116, 2001-03 (Released:2001-00-00)

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I . Infant heroes who are exposed at their births II. Heroes and the otherworldly waters III. Heroes and `changelings' (1) The birth of Lugh (2) The birth of Finn mac Cumhaill (3) The birth of Lleu Llaw Gyffes

著者

小町谷 尚子

出版者

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要刊行委員会

雑誌

慶應義塾大学日吉紀要. 英語英米文学

巻号頁・発行日

no.42, pp.1-17, 2003-03 (Released:2003-00-00)

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An emergent ideology of love in Romeo and Juliet appears to have been central and centrally attacked in the controversy over a defiant daughter in a patriarchal society. Thus, a study of the ways in which Shakespeare deals with an integral part of the family, Juliet and her father, reveals, from one perspective that of how he employs the relationship of the father and the daughter he uses the father's redemption as negotiation of the father-daughter relationship and reconciliation between the feuding families, all of which mirror the social circumstances of the early modern society. From another perspective that of why he questions this kinship bond he employs the relationship among the family for the positive purposes of subversion, thereby again commenting on the social mores of the period. However, Shakespeare does not romanticize or idealize the father-daughter relationship. Rather, in such a relationship he creates a female subject for larger societal issues that inflamed his era. He presents this with those who form a homosocial bond with the heroine to interrogate gender, generational and familial issues, as well as the relationship of the society to the individual. Employing the strategy of Queer Theory, this paper reveals the fiction of forced heterosexual love in a patriarchal society, and then shows that the Nurse is a queer agent who serves as an internal director, manipulating and exerting control over Juliet, ranging frominfluencing the development of Juliet's sexuality to helping her depart from a traditional role as an obedient daughter. Her function and impact seem to be closely related to the qualities she possesses. Thus, the paper's primary focus is upon the role of the Nurse who affects cross-gender relationships for either good or ill.