著者
佐竹 昭
出版者
広島大学大学院総合科学研究科
雑誌
文明科学研究 (ISSN:1881770X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.11, pp.1-23, 2016

Before World War II, a number of families who had been iron makers for generations, going back to the Edo period, owned vast natural forests in the Okuizumo district in Shimane Prefecture called Tetsuzan (literally, "iron forest"), from which they obtained charcoal for the production of iron. It has not been clear until now how they accumulated these forests. By close examination of documents from the Edo period, which have been preserved by the iron makers' families, I gathered concrete evidence that they accumulated the vast forest areas by purchase.In this paper, I show chronologically how the Tetsuzan were purchased by iron makers in Nita County, a territory of Matsue Feudal Domain, in the early Edo period. After determining the precise location of these Tetsuzan and locating them on a map, I was able to observe the process of expansion of the iron manufacturing enterprises. As a result, I was able to determine that the five iron makers had already been establishing large-scale enterprises in Nita County early in the eighteenth century and that Matsue Domain protected them by carrying out an iron manufacturing policy called Tetsukata-Housiki in 1726.本稿の一部は、中国四国地理学歴史学協会2016年度大会日本史学部会で報告したものである。
著者
池田 佳代
出版者
広島大学大学院総合科学研究科
雑誌
文明科学研究 (ISSN:1881770X)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.5, pp.35-52, 2010

The use of the term "One Guam" has assumed prominence in relation to military realignment in Guam within high profile speeches by political leaders in the U.S., both on local and federal levels. One Guam represents federal financial assistances to the civilian community of the island affected by the current federal build-up plan, linking civilian affairs and military affairs. Historically, the island has been divided under the control of two administrations: the civilian community under the Government of Guam and the military community under the U.S. Department of Defense. Though the U.S. Department of the Interior supervises federal government's administration over the island, there is no federal agency that is responsible for financing the island's civilian affairs. As a result, in spite of the fact that the civilian infrastructures were found to be insufficient to support the implementation of the build-up plan, there was little national budget allocated to improve the situation.Initially articulated by the U.S. Department of the Navy and the Government of Guam, the discourse of One Guam has been successful in making the issue a political agenda on a federal level. This article argues that the U.S. Navy Department and the Government of Guam allied centering on the discourse and appealed it to the President and the Congress in order to explore a new channel to engage the U.S. Department of Defense with civilian affairs on Guam. Despite different notions on the "civilian community," the U.S. Navy Department and the local government nonetheless cooperated in promoting One Guam because they shared a stake in getting financial assistances from federal agencies.Meanwhile, the discourse has been extended to elements of U.S. military strategies by the Obama administration. This extension of the discourse of One Guam within the public sphere was followed by political actions on a federal level. The U.S. Congress recognized that Guamanians' loyalty to the U.S. during the World War II is integral to the successful military build-up on the island. Meanwhile, the President of the U.S. made it clear that he would promote "One Guam, Green Guam," to realize a "sustainable Guam." This paper explores the discursive return to Guamanian loyalty as a component of successful military realignment on Guam and argues that the Obama administration aims at realizing "sustainable Guam" in order to show enduring commitment of the U.S. to the Asia Pacific.One Guam was originally a means to attain federal assistance for the island's civilian community, but has evolved into an integral part of the U.S. national security strategy.