著者

材木 和雄

出版者

広島大学大学院総合科学研究科

雑誌

環境科学研究 (ISSN:18817696)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.1, pp.71-98, 2006

著者

材木 和雄

出版者

広島大学大学院総合科学研究科

雑誌

環境科学研究 (ISSN:18817696)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.51-75[含 英語文要旨], 2009

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Yugoslav war in 1991-1995 created the largest number of refugees and displaced persons since the end of World War II in Europe. As for Croatia, approximately 950,000 people were forced to leave their home during the war. The ethnic breakdown was the Croats 550,000 and the Serbs 400,000.After Dayton-Paris Agreement in the end of 1995, refugees and displaced persons started returning to their former areas of residence. As far as the Croats concerned, it can be said that the process of return has almost completed. In contrast to this, the return of Croatian Serbs refugees has been delayed considerably. So far only 100,000 people have returned home from abroad and two third of refugees are remaining out of the country.Among the various kinds of obstacles to return of Croatian Serbs refugees, the author regards the housing problem as the biggest one. Indeed, there are two kinds of housing problem, according to the type of ownership. One is the right of occupancy in the socially owned apartment and another is reconstruction and restitution of private houses of Serb refugees. In this paper the author focuses on the former problem.Before the war, most of urban inhabitants in Croatia lived in apartments owned by the state or state enterprises, often referred to as "socially owned apartments". The right to use a socially owned apartment apartment–frequently referred to as the right of tenancy–was protected by the law and more like the concept of property right. However, during the war and immediately afterwards, the government terminated these rights retained by the Croatian Serbs who had been long absent from home because of the war. New tenants–frequently the Bosnian Croats moved into their apartments and occupied them legally or illegally.Then the government started privatizing the socially owned apartments and sold them to the tenants for reduced-prices. The apartments in which the Croatian Serbs lived were privatized too and transformed into private possession. It became impossible for them to repossess their apartments. Therefore, so far very few Serbs refugees have returned home in urban areas in Croatia.The author saws a retributive thinking in the measures the government took. Such a kind of policy was unfortunately repeated in the history of Yugoslavia. It can be considered an expression of Balkan politics. However, nowadays Croatia ratifi ed various kind of international convention on human rights, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.Therefore, Croatia must take effective measures to review its policies, and to change any laws that have the effect of creating discrimination. The author thinks that then Croatia can enter into a new stage of its history.

著者

材木 和雄

出版者

広島大学大学院総合科学研究科

雑誌

環境科学研究 (ISSN:18817696)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.19-42, 2007

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Yugoslavia was attacked by Nazi-Germany on April 6, 1941. The king and the government left the country by air on April 15 for exile. The Royal Yugoslav Army capitulated to the Axis Forces on April 17, just eleven days later from the outbreak of war. The Germans immediately dismembered the conquered country. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia was not only militarily defeated in war but also deprived of the right to exist as a state.Before the Second World War the Yugoslav Army had a great prestige in Europe based on its contribution to the victory of the Allied Forces in the First Word War. Though encircled Yugoslavia's ultimate defeat was admittedly inevitable, it was nevertheless a great surprise that its Army presented only feeble performance and defeated within so short a time. Therefore immediately after the occupation of Yugoslavia the concerned parties began inquiring the reason and responsibility for such a disgraceful collapse of the Army and the Kingdom.During the World War Serbian nationalist claimed that the treacherous behavior of Croats and other non-Serbian people of Yugoslavia was the main reason for a quick breakup of the Kingdom in April war of 1941. Though Communist party of Yugoslavia sharply objected to such claims, the decline and end of Communist control made it possible for these ideas to gain foothold in modern Serbian history. Naturally these theories were met by backlash of Croatian historians.Considering such controversy, this article pointed out three reasons. The first factor was Yugoslav military unpreparedness. Surely the Yugoslav high command must have expected German armed intervention as an aftermath of the anti-Tripartite Pact coup on March 27 1941. However, when the German forces struck, the mobilization and concentration of Yugoslav defense forces had hardly begun. In the end, Yugoslavia was less than half mobilized.The second factor was deficiency of defense plans. Before the war the Yugoslav General Staff worked out three defense plans one. However, all of these plans committed to a cordon type defense. Instead of massing their forces around strategic points, the Yugoslav command chose to scatter its forces and spread them along the entire perimeter of the country's frontier. It was easy for the German highly mechanized attack forces to break through the poor Yugoslav defense lines.The third factor was the lack of fighting sprits among major elements of the Yugoslav Army. Shortly after the Germans attacked, entire Croat units simply threw away and quit fighting. There can be little doubt years of antagonism between the Serbs and Croats had a great influence over their morale. However, the persistence was missing among Serb elements of the Army. Good evidence is as follows. The German troops which started from Bulgaria and charged forward through mid-Serbia reached to Beograd almost the same time that other troops which advanced through the plain of Slavonia, although mountainous terrain in southeast Yugoslavia gave the defender a certain advantage over highly mechanized attack force.The author thinks that the Kingdom still had a prospect to continue to resist even after its formal capitulation. However, the royal government deserted the country so hasty that it lost the public confidence and ultimately precluded the possibility to rebuild the nation after the War.

著者

佐々木 宏

出版者

広島大学大学院総合科学研究科

雑誌

環境科学研究 (ISSN:18817696)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2, pp.43-66, 2007

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Focusing on class disadvantages in relation to conditions for the development of children born and raised in impoverished families in developing countries, and on disadvantages related to education particular, this paper sought to generally outline the framework by which disadvantages are formed in the process of a child's growth. To that end, an interview survey of 16 youth of different classes was conducted in 2006 in a provincial city in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh and comparison of the life histories and current living conditions of the interviewed youth was attempted. Results revealed two points. First, children of impoverished families were found to suffer various disadvantages throughout their lives, from a young age to adolescence, in comparison to children of wealthy families. In addition, disadvantages for such children of impoverished families were found to be severely affected and formed by not just a dearth of resources in terms of the family's financial, cultural, and social relationships but also by societal context (production system, labor market, educational and other systems, etc.).