著者

Shigeru KAMADA

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.30and31, pp.119-132, 1995 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

43

著者

Minako YAMANLAR MIZUNO

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.25, pp.96-118, 1989 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

76

著者

JOANNÈS Francis

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, pp.29-46, 2016

---

The status of women in Neo-Assyrian palaces is well documented, and has been for a long time, through texts and archaeological finds. It reveals that what we could term the Queen's Household as an institution was a powerful element of the Neo-Assyrian palatial system. Women who operate in the Queen's Household possess an economic power that can be considerable. Every place where the Queen is present, and even every place where she owns large domains, generates a Queen's Household with female staff used for service, production, and administration. On the royal administration's model, these Queens' Households are placed under the authority of an administrator-in-chief, the <i>šakintu</i>. This person manages and controls the finances of the House placed under her authority, as the Queen would herself do it, as in fact the lady of the house would in general. These <i>šakintu</i><i>s</i> rely both on the power that their function affords them, and on belonging to family or ethnic networks that are a useful complement to their economic role. This economic role is indeed not ordered along a male/female distinction only. The marriage of Ṣubētu, the daughter of the <i>šakintu </i>Amat-Astarti is a good example of the status and economic power of such a woman.

著者

Francis JOANNÈS

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, pp.29-46, 2016-03-30 (Released:2019-04-01)

参考文献数

44

---

The status of women in Neo-Assyrian palaces is well documented, and has been for a long time, through texts and archaeological finds. It reveals that what we could term the Queen’s Household as an institution was a powerful element of the Neo-Assyrian palatial system. Women who operate in the Queen’s Household possess an economic power that can be considerable. Every place where the Queen is present, and even every place where she owns large domains, generates a Queen’s Household with female staff used for service, production, and administration. On the royal administration’s model, these Queens’ Households are placed under the authority of an administrator-in-chief, the šakintu. This person manages and controls the finances of the House placed under her authority, as the Queen would herself do it, as in fact the lady of the house would in general. These šakintus rely both on the power that their function affords them, and on belonging to family or ethnic networks that are a useful complement to their economic role. This economic role is indeed not ordered along a male/female distinction only. The marriage of Ṣubētu, the daughter of the šakintu Amat-Astarti is a good example of the status and economic power of such a woman.

著者

Nobuaki KUNIYA

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.4, pp.17-36_6, 1967 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

67

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

Kazuyuki KUBO

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.38, pp.135-152, 2003 (Released:2008-03-24)

参考文献数

192

著者

YAMADA Shigeo

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.87-104, 2020

被引用文献数

1

---

<p> This paper deals with the names given to the city walls, city gates, and palatial structures in Assyrian capital cities, Assur, Kalhu, Dur-Šarrukin, and Nineveh, in the NeoAssyrian period. These names comprised popular names, which were supposedly used daily, and ceremonial names, which were given for ceremonial-ideological purposes. The names were formulated differently in various cities and in different periods, reflecting the change of historical circumstances and contemporary political-theological ideologies. The naming of the architectural works in later Assyria represented the increasing imperialistic pride of Assyrian kings about their world dominion, claiming the prominence of the capital as the navel of the world in political, economic, and religious senses. In this way, they particularly challenged the traditional Mesopotamian cosmic order, in the center of which Babylon and its god Marduk had been placed. </p>

著者

WATANABE Kazuko

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.71-86, 2020

---

<p>The recent discovery (2009) and publication (2012) of the Tayinat version of Esarhaddon's Succession Oath Documents (ESOD, promulgated in 672 BC) have enabled us to imagine much more vividly than before how every tablet of the documents was adored as a god in the temples of each district under the Assyrian dominion. The Documents explicitly demanded that the tablets be treated as gods by all oath takers. This adoration had a precedent in Assyrian history. Apparently, under Tukultui-Ninurta I, the Assyrian king in the 13^th century BC, the adoration of the 'Tablet of Destinies' was already being practiced, and the 'Tablet of Destinies' was assumed to have been sealed by the god Aššur. Three seals of the god Aššur used for the sealing the tablets of ESOD also show depictions of 'worshipping scenes' on them. The wide dissemination of these documents and their deification indicate a form of a globalized 'Tablet of Destinies' as well as a new religious and cultural policy in the Assyrian dominion.</p>

著者

YAMAMOTO Hajime

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.29-41, 2020

---

<p>The purpose of this paper is to present which components of the kingdom the Hittite kings recognized as their own lands. In the analysis, the usages of the Hittite verb <i>maniyaḫḫ-</i> 'to govern' and the noun<i> irha-/arḫa</i>- 'border' are examined to understand the Hittite concept of territories and borders. Their usages show that, in the Hittite ideology, the state gods were regarded as heavenly owners of the Hittite lands, and the kings were given rule over these lands as divine deputies on earth. Those lands were centered in the Anatolian heartland, but they also extended to Carchemiš in Northern Syria. The Hittites, however, believed that they were not supposed to expand their territories unlimitedly, but rather protect them, since national borders were regarded as equal to the body of the state gods. </p>

著者

YAMADA Masamichi

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.43-61, 2020

被引用文献数

1

---

<p>As the viceroy of Ḫatti in Syria, the king of Carchemish was responsible for the Hittite rule of Emar as its direct overlord. In Emar he was held in awe, though not as an unapproachable man. Whereas in principle he ruled indirectly, allowing the continuation of the local dynasty, in some areas he ruled Emar directly, employing a part of the Emarites as his servants ('Emaro-Hittites') in civil and military affairs. As for international relations, it seems that he put Emar's diplomacy and commerce exclusively under his control, depriving the local king of any right concerning them. On the other hand, in the religious affairs he ruled Emar only indirectly, using the family of Zu-Baʿla the diviner as his agent, though leaving room for activities by the local king.</p>

著者

TAGGAR COHEN Ada

出版者

一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.55, pp.13-27, 2020

---

<p>The present article explores the way the law in Hittite royal view, regarded as a prerogative of the king – while based on the "customs of the land" – was formulized through "royal decrees." By this formulization, the king enacted "royal legal sacrifice" under the adjudication of the royal court. Hittite royal rituals were enacted using written texts, which manifestly represent "narrativized ritual." Hittite festivals and rituals evolved over the years from local traditions involving specific gods through centralized royal legalization into a demanding calendar of festivals for different gods. In the final part of this article I suggest that Hittite material may help us perceive how biblical rituals have been narrativized in the Priestly texts. </p>

著者

Akira USUKI

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.93-108, 1993 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

47

著者

SUSUMU SATO

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.21-30, 1974 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

58

著者

TERUMASA OSHIRO

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.24, pp.47-54, 1988 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

46

著者

SHIGERU KAMADA

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.19, pp.7-28, 1983 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

52

被引用文献数

2 7

著者

Seiro HARUTA

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.28, pp.17-36, 1992 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

93

著者

YOSHIKO ODA

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.20, pp.93-108, 1984 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

22

著者

KOJIRO NAKAMURA

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.7, pp.75-96, 1971 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

80

被引用文献数

1 1

著者

Tohru MAEDA Kazuko WATANABE

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.36, pp.35-56, 2001 (Released:2008-03-24)

参考文献数

222

---

This article is divided into two parts, the first covering the periods before 1500 B.C., that is, Sumerian, Old Babylonian, and Old Assyrian studies, and the second covering the periods after 1500 B.C., studies of the Middle Assyrian, Middle Babylonian, Neo-Assyrian, and Neo-Babylonian periods.

著者

Yasuhiro YOKKAICHI

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.25-33, 2015-03-30 (Released:2018-04-01)

参考文献数

35

被引用文献数

1

---

The decree of Amīr Čoban dated 726 AH/1326 CE (National Library and Archives of the Islamic Republic of Iran, s.250) has four kinds of imprints, which consist of two āl-tamġā seals (vermilion seals) and two black seals. Among them, one is a square-shaped vermilion seal in Arabic script. Another is a square-shaped vermilion seal in ’Phags-pa and Arabic scripts. This document is a typical decree issued by a high-ranking great amīr because the āl-tamġā and qarā-tamġā seals were stamped on the prede ned places. However, it is the singular case in which a document is stamped with two kinds of āl-tamġā seal. Three of the four seals found on this decree were undoubtedly Amīr Čoban’s, and must have yielded the strongest authority to it.