著者
中田 考
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.39, no.2, pp.66-82, 1996 (Released:2010-03-12)

In the history of Islamic legal thought, al-Juwaini's al-Ghiyathi is a unique work, because he devotes himself in its last chapter to dealing with the possibility of Mappo (borrowed from a Buddhist concept), the era of extinction of the Shari'a, not in an eschatological way but in a juristical way.He says that the knowledge of the fundamentals of Shari'a will be lost among people after the disappearance of its legal authorities, i. e., mujtahids and transmitters of madhhabs, which will occur after the disappearance of the political authorities, i. e., caliphs and sultans.According to his understanding, the extinction of the knowledge will happen not because of the lack and decrease of books, but because of the increase of hairsplitting debates and pedantic disputes which occupy so much the minds of people and students as to make them tired at last.al-Juwaini compares Muslims in the era of extinction of the Shari'a with people whom the message of Islam has not reached. He concludes that, besides the beliefs in the unity of God and the prophethood of Muhammad, Muslim's sole obligation in such an era is to make himself ready for observance of the prescriptions of Shari'a, hoping to get to know them someday. Because there is no obligation without receiving the divine commandments according to the Ash'ari school to which al-Juwaini belongs.In his opinion the details of the Shari'a can not be understood without guidance of its authorities. So the utmost which can be hoped in case the legal authorities as well as the political authorities have disappeared, is that individual muslims reconstruct the fundamentals of the Shari'a from the remaining writings on the subject and apply the fundamentals to their own situations.
著者
中田 考
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.38, no.1, pp.79-95, 1995-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab who started his Tawhid propagation in his hometown, 'Uyaina, in 1741, broke down tombs of saints, trees and stones worshiped by the inhabitants, and pressed the magistrate to carry out the Islamic execution on an adulteress. The frightened inhabitants expelled him from the town.In this first stage of his missionary activity, we can already find the three political ideas of Wahhabi, such as (1) propagation of Tawhid, (2) ordering what is right and prohibiting what is wrong, and (3) execution of the Islamic law.Expelled from his hometown, Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab came to Dar'iya where lived Ibn Sa'ud. Ibn Sa'ud visited him and proposed him a concordat according to which he would give Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab a military support for the propagation of Tawhid in exchange for his loyalty to the house of Sa'ud and his confirmation of Ibn Sa'ud's right of taxation. Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab accepted his proposition except the confirmation of the right of taxation. On this concordat are founded the three State Principles of Saudi Arabia: propagation by jihad, monarchy of the Sa'ud, and no taxation.With the expansion of the territory, Saudi Arabia starts to use a double identity in the foreign policy, in which they define themselves as Wahhabi to attack the non-Wahhabi Muslims as polytheists on one hand and as Hanbali to make peace with other Muslims on the other hand.Though the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia founded by 'Abd al='Aziz has inherited Wahhabi' s three ideas on the politics, as for its three principles of the state, it comes to discard jihad as well as to retouch the no taxation principle and to justify the diplomatic relation with non Muslim countries.The legitimacy of the third kingdom of Saudi Arabia is now threatened on the three levels, namely, (1) the penetration of the idea of of the Jihad-Revolution among people, (2) the intensifying conflict not only between the Western world and the Islamic world but also between secularism and Islamism within the Islamic world and (3) the heavy taxation under the circumstances of the financial decline.
著者
鈴木 貴久子
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.42, no.2, pp.22-39, 1999 (Released:2010-03-12)

Medieval Arabic books of culinary, hygiene and pharmacology indicate that there were at least nine different types of pasta at the time. The records also provide us with detailed information on shapes, production process, recipes, commercial production, and medical use of pastas, as well as when and where they were eaten under what circumstances, and how pasta dishes were received by people back then.According to the definition in medieval books of hygiene and pharmacology, pastas in the medieval Islamic period were made from dough kneaded without adding yeast and then cooked in soup or boiled in hot water.1) Itriya, rishta These noodle-type pastas were the most popular in the medieval Middle East. Itriya had been known in the Middle East since before Islam. A twelfth-century geographer al-Idrîsî says that Itriya was then manufactured in Sicily on industrial basis and was shipped to various regions along the Mediterranean coast. Rishta was served during banquets at the Mamluk court in the fifteenth century. In the sixteenth century Egypt, it was served as a special diet for the sick people.2) Kuskus, fidâsh, muhammas, taltîn: These are the pastas from the Maghrib region. The first three are grain-like in shape, while taltîn is a pasta cut into small, thin square. Sha'îrîya is another kind of pasta shaped like barleycorn and was consumed only in Mashriq. Kuskus first appears in a book of culinary compiled in Mashriq in the mid-thirteenth century. A sixteenth century essay on cooking cites kuskus as one of the foods sold at al-sûq.3) Tutumâj, shashaburk: These are the pastas from the Central Asia. In the Middle East, they make their first appearance in the books of culinary and pharmacology in the mid-thirteenth century. In China, two cooking books, both compiled in the mid-thirteenth century, carries a recipe of tutumâj, which is transliterated into Chinese as “_??__??__??__??_ or _??__??__??__??_ tu'tu'mashih.” It appears that the dish had been regarded exotic in both China and the Middle East. Tutumâj is a flat pasta with square or disc-like shape. Shashaburk is tutumâj stuffed with ground meat. They were both served with yogurt. According to a thirteenth century Arab pharmacologist al-Kursî, tutumâj is a loan word form Turkish.Mention in Arabic records on kuskus, which is from the Maghrib, or tutumâj, which is from the Central Asia, suggests that there was a massive migration from these regions to the Middle East in the mid-thirteenth century.
著者
大野 盛雄
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, no.1, pp.97-109, 1992-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)
参考文献数
3
被引用文献数
1 1
著者
宮武 志郎
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.34, no.1, pp.48-64, 1991-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

The Ottoman dynasty began to rapidly introduce firearms to galleys and roundships from the last decade of the 15th century. Use of such firearms had been prevalent from the second half of the same century among the Mediterranean countries. The Ottomans employed Sephardim cannon-founders who had been expelled from the Iberian peninsula and whose techincal skills were of a very high level.This Ottoman policy toward the Zimmi should be recognized as one of the reasons for her military and economic achievements in the 16th century.
著者
春田 晴郎
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.2, pp.125-134, 2001 (Released:2010-03-12)
参考文献数
22

A new transliteration and translation of the Avroman Parchment No. 3 (British Library Or. 8115), written in Parthian, is given here.Transliteration based on P1. III in Minns 1915:1. ŠNT IIIC YRH' 'rwtt MZBNW ptspr BRY tyryn2. ZY MN bwdy KRM' 'smk MH 'bykškn PLG y't3. W ZBNW 'wyl BRY bšnyn KZY 'HY KL' ZWZN XX XX XX IIIII4. MH MN bwmhwtw '(py) h (w) z hmy 'KLW QDMTH5. ŠHDYN tyrk BRY 'pyn (m..g) BRY ršnw 'rštt6. B (RY) 'bzn grybnzwy B (RY) mtrpry synk BRY m'tbwg7. [] (.) KRM' 'smkn KRM' ZBNT 'wyl MN8. ptspr (K) L' ZWZN XX XX XX IIIII1.4 '(py) h (w) z: '(p) [y] h [w] (z) in the present state;1.5 (m..g): (m) [..] (g) in the present state.Translation:“Year 300 (=A. D. 53), month Arwatat, Patspar son of Tiren from Bod sold a half part of the vineyard Asmak which is within the ploughland; and Awil son of Bašnen bought it for a total of 65 drachms, (the price asked) by the landowner, ‘as brothers’ (> on equal terms with the seller?). They swore together that there should be no accusation, before the witnesses: Tirak son of Apen, M…g (?) son of Rašn, Arštat son of 'bzn (?), Grybnzwy (?) son of Mihrfriy and Senak son of Matbog. Awil bought [] vineyard, Asmakan vineyard from Patspar for a total of 65 drachms.”On the readings:1.3 KZY: nzd in Gignoux 1972, but his reading is impossible.1.4 'pyhwz or 'pyhwn: 'tyhrw in Gignoux 1972, 'py hrw in Perikhanian 1983; previous scholars read the fifth letter as {r}, but that reading is not correct because they, probably, overlooked a wormhole which covered the uppermost part of the letter. —now the wormhole has become larger and covered the entire area where the letter existed. For the reading of the final letter, see Haruta 1992: 33 n. 27; see also the length of the first letter {Z} in ZWZN in 1.3.On the translation:1.3 KZY 'HY “as brother (s)”: I tentatively interpret the phrase as “as equals, on equal terms, ” though one can translate it as “as partners” or “as co-owners.” KZY 'HY may be related to βραδδιγογο in Bactrian [Sims-Williams 2000: 82-83 (Document P), 187].1.4 'pyhwz hmy 'KLW /apexwaz ham xwart/“They swore together that there should be no accusation”; or 'pyhwn…/apexwan…/“…there should be no claim”: for 'pyhwz “without accusation”/ 'pyhwn “without claim, ” cf. 'pw šk'rw, 'pwyx's, etc. in Sogdian [Yoshida et al. 1988] and αβηδαχοαυο, αβηχοαυδο, etc. in Bactrian [Sims-Williams 2000]. For the Aramaeogram 'KLW “to swear, ” cf. Herzfeld 1924: 134-135 and Haruta 1992: 29, 32 n. 27; Schwartz [1989] discussed in detail the verb √xvar- “to swear, ” a verb homophonous with “to eat.” Note that this interpretation is possible only when you read the document in Parthian; this is the strongest evidence, I think, against the allegation that it was written in Aramaic.
著者
中田 考
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.35, no.1, pp.16-31, 1992-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

In the classical Islamic jurisprudence the Jihad is defined as ‘to expend one's life, wealth, and words in the war or the defence against infidels’. But after the collapse of the Ottoman Caliphate, the political situations of the Islamic world drastically changed, which called various responses among Muslim intellectuals. Faraj, the ideologue of the Egyptian ‘Jihad’ group demonstrates that contemporary rulers apostatize from Islam because they do not rule according to the shari'a. So it turns to be individual obligation for Muslims to go jihad against the apostate rulers, for the jihad against apostates is to precede that against native infidels and the near enemy is more dangerous than the distant. But the jihad against the rulers has now no hope to succeed, so Shaikh 'Abdulgadir, a member of the ‘Jihad’, argues that the military training for the jihad is incumbent on every sane adult Muslim who has the necessary equipments and that Muslims should elect a qualified commander by lack of the caliph.Dr. 'Umar 'Abdurrahman, the mentor of the ‘Jama'a Isldmiya’, who classifies the rulers of the Muslim states into six categories, distinguishes the contemporary ruler from the traditional types of rulers and coins the word mustabdil for that. He concludes that the mustabdil is infidel and consequently has no legitimacy to rule and that Muslims must rise against him. Abu Ithar, Dr. 'Umar's disciple refines the conception of mustabdil and proves that the war against a mustabdil is not the rebellion which is one of the hudud crimes, but Muslim's duty.Thus the fight against evil rulers is justified both in the framework of the jihad theory by Faraj and 'Abdulgadir, and in the discussion about the legitimacy of the caliph by Dr.' Umar and Abu Ithar.The ‘revolutionary jihad theories’ radically differ from the classical theory of the jihad and the caliphate. In the classical Islamic jurisprudence the jihad is defined as the war against infidels and strictly separated from the notion of apostasy which is one of the hudud crimes. The caliphate theory is inserted in the chapter of the rebellion in the Islamic jurisprudence, so that it serves mainly for the justification of the temporal ruler and excludes the possibility of discussing the caliph's apostasy.
著者
井本 英一
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.26, no.2, pp.13-30, 1983 (Released:2010-03-12)

New Persian sada was derived from Middle Pers. *sadag/*satak, which was derived from Old Pers. *sataka-. OPers. *sataka- meant ‘the hundredth’ that is, ‘the hundredth day.’In Shahnameh several references to sada together with the No Ruz festival are found. Originally the sada festival was held on the hundredth day from the winter solstice, say, about Farvardin 10th; it lasted to Farvandin 13th (April 2nd).The Easter fires are also held about almost the same time and a new fire is lit on the Easter eve.The ancient Chinese held the Han-shih-tsieh _??__??__??_ ‘festival of eating cold food’ on the 100th, 103rd or 105th day from the winter solstice. It was held from April 2nd to April 5th. During the three days all fires were put out and a new fire was lit on the last day. The day was the last day of an ancient spring New Year.Sada was the last festival of the No Ruz festival and the new fire was lit on that day.
著者
宮崎 市定
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.7, no.3-4, pp.1-15,138, 1964 (Released:2010-03-12)

Shen-tsung, the 6th Emperor of Sung dynasty, received two ambassadors successively from so-called the Western Regions, one sent by the Sultanate of Seljukides, and the other by the East Roman Empire. These two countries confronted keenly each other and the antagonism was the cause of Crusade. The war devastated the Middle East, resulting in a great loss of population. The Seljukides had to recruit Turkish soldiers from Central Asia to reinforce the army. Thus the pressure of Turkish people toward the east became weaken and gave a chance to the neighbour tribes of Mongolia to rise to a new power. Moreover, the Mongol could arm themselves with abundant iron weapons learning the fabricating technique of the Chinese. Taking advantage of the exhaustion of the Turkish people, the Mongol conquered at last the whole Western Regions.
著者
内記 良一
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.27, no.1, pp.39-53, 1984-09-30 (Released:2010-03-12)

In spite of some efforts made by Vollers, C. A. Nallino and Taha Husayn, the etymology of Arabic 'adab (literature) has not been explained clearly yet. This paper is to trace the origin of the word to Pahlavi aδven (ak) from two points of view, phonetical and semantic.It will be easily accepted that Pahlavi aδven or aδvenak passed to Arabic 'adab because of their phonetic coincidence. While Pahlavi aδven (ak) suffered the phonetic change to become aiven (ak), from which Modern Persian word 'ayin appeared and this is why Arabic 'adab and Modern Persian 'ayin share the same meaning (way, manner).As for the semantic development of Pahlavi aδven (ak), we can divide it into three stages. The first is “way, manner”, the second is “etiquette” and the third is “species, form, aspect” etc. Among these three categories of the meaning, only the last one did not pass into Arabic because it developed within the isolated scope of Zoroastrian theology in Islamic days.The first meaning “way, manner” is common in Pahlavi literature and used in Arabic like 'adabu lharb (way of battle). The second meaning “etiquette” which is used especially in Pahlavi Andarz-books is very popular in Arabic as is widely known. At the same time the Sassanians gave much importance on the etiquette concerning holding the banquet (Cf. 'Ayin li'Ardashir). This is why Arabic verb 'adaba ('adb) means “to invite to the banquet”.
著者
飯山 陽
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.46, no.2, pp.113-133, 2003 (Released:2010-03-12)
被引用文献数
1 1

Maslaha has received considerable attention from scholars as a crucial principle which guarantees the developing tendency of Islamic society since the early 20th century. This paper attempts to show its importance in the lslamic legal theory which has been evolved to expand and adapt the established authoritative doctrines in the changing circumstances. Qarafi (d. 684/1285), who is famous for his theory of qawa'id (legal precepts), evolved the concept of maslaha which had been defined as ‘the preservation of the purpose of law (God's legislation)’ by Ghazali to the source of a valid and concrete methodology for creative law findings in his theory of qawa'id. He could legitimate goal-oriented and substantive interpretations by applying considerations of maslaha not only as a criterion to identify a 'illa's suitability but as an indispensable stipulation for some legal principles such as rukhsa (legal license) and sadd al-dhara'i‘(blocking means). Maslaha functions to legitimate his legal theory as a whole which purposes to give mujtahids’ legal methodology to muqallids so as to be depended in their law findings. The origin of maslaha is God, i. e. the prime authority in Islam; thus Qarafi could make use of this concept as the origin of all law findings in structuring his legal theory. Maslaha is the key concept to understand the legal theory and practice in the post-formative period of Islamic jurisprudence.
著者
山本 啓二
出版者
一般社団法人 日本オリエント学会
雑誌
オリエント (ISSN:00305219)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.2, pp.135-147, 2001 (Released:2010-03-12)

Historical astrology is the branch of astrology that deals with political and religious history by using the conjunctions of the superior planets. This kind of astrology had been developed in Sasanian Persia on the basis of the Indian system of yuga.The Book of Religions and Dynasties attributed to Abu Ma'šar (787-886 A. D.) is the most complete surviving work that gives us a systematic account of the full range and methodology of historical astrology. The most significant difference between The Book of Religions and Dynasties and other surviving texts concerning historical astrology attributed to Sasanian and early 'Abbasid astrologers, such as Zoroaster, Gamasb, Maša'allah, and al-Kindi, is that only the former attempts to explain philosophical and technical principles.According to The Book of Religions and Dynasties, astrological interpretation is mainly based on four kinds of conjunction and four horoscopes. Out of the four conjunctions, three are those of Saturn and Jupiter, occurring every 20 years in each sign, every 240 years within the same triplicity, and every 960 years returning to the first sign, and one is that of Saturn and Mars every 30 years in the sign of Cancer. The basic horoscopes are set up for the vernal equinoxes in 571 A. D., i. e. the year of conjunction indicating the Religion, in 622 A. D., i. e. the year of Hegira, in 749 A. D., i. e. the year in which the shift of rulership to as-Sawad (the 'Abbasids), and in 809 A. D., the year in which the sign of conjunction moved from a watery triplicity to a fiery one.Historical astrology was introduced from the Sasanian tradition by al-Mansur (ca. 713-775) as one of the policies by which he could lay the solid foundation of the newborn dynasty, and it was used most effectively among the early 'Abbasids. The Book of Religions and Dynasties will cast a new light on the future studies of Sasanian and early 'Abbasid dynasties.