著者

Tetsuya OHTOSHI

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.19-44, 1993 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

120

被引用文献数

2 4

著者

鈴木 貴久子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.42, no.2, pp.22-39, 1999

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Medieval Arabic books of culinary, hygiene and pharmacology indicate that there were at least nine different types of pasta at the time. The records also provide us with detailed information on shapes, production process, recipes, commercial production, and medical use of pastas, as well as when and where they were eaten under what circumstances, and how pasta dishes were received by people back then.<br>According to the definition in medieval books of hygiene and pharmacology, pastas in the medieval Islamic period were made from dough kneaded without adding yeast and then cooked in soup or boiled in hot water.<br>1) <i><b>Itriya</b></i>, <i><b>rishta</b></i> These noodle-type pastas were the most popular in the medieval Middle East. <i>Itriya</i> had been known in the Middle East since before Islam. A twelfth-century geographer al-Idrîsî says that <i>Itriya</i> was then manufactured in Sicily on industrial basis and was shipped to various regions along the Mediterranean coast. <i>Rishta</i> was served during banquets at the Mamluk court in the fifteenth century. In the sixteenth century Egypt, it was served as a special diet for the sick people.<br>2) <i><b>Kuskus</b></i>, <i><b>fidâsh</b></i>, <i><b>muhammas</b></i>, <i><b>taltîn</b></i>: These are the pastas from the Maghrib region. The first three are grain-like in shape, while <i>taltîn</i> is a pasta cut into small, thin square. <i>Sha'îrîya</i> is another kind of pasta shaped like barleycorn and was consumed only in Mashriq. <i>Kuskus</i> first appears in a book of culinary compiled in Mashriq in the mid-thirteenth century. A sixteenth century essay on cooking cites <i>kuskus</i> as one of the foods sold at <i>al-sûq</i>.<br>3) <i><b>Tutumâj</b></i>, <i><b>shashaburk</b></i>: These are the pastas from the Central Asia. In the Middle East, they make their first appearance in the books of culinary and pharmacology in the mid-thirteenth century. In China, two cooking books, both compiled in the mid-thirteenth century, carries a recipe of <i>tutumâj</i>, which is transliterated into Chinese as "_??__??__??__??_ or _??__??__??__??_ <i>tu'tu'mashih."</i> It appears that the dish had been regarded exotic in both China and the Middle East. <i>Tutumâj</i> is a flat pasta with square or disc-like shape. <i>Shashaburk</i> is <i>tutumâj</i> stuffed with ground meat. They were both served with yogurt. According to a thirteenth century Arab pharmacologist al-Kursî, <i>tutumâj</i> is a loan word form Turkish.<br>Mention in Arabic records on <i>kuskus</i>, which is from the Maghrib, or <i>tutumâj</i>, which is from the Central Asia, suggests that there was a massive migration from these regions to the Middle East in the mid-thirteenth century.

著者

春田 晴郎

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.51, no.1, pp.201-207, 2008

著者

田澤 恵子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.54, no.2, pp.111-118, 2012

著者

Takatomo Inoue

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.52, pp.72-92, 2017-03-31 (Released:2020-04-01)

参考文献数

28

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This paper discusses the relationship between alchemy and making “chemically” processed products, such as drugs and perfumes. We look into al-Kindī’s understanding of alchemy and description of perfume making to discuss this issue. As for the former, Ibn al-Nadīm’s Fihrist mentions his writing on the attack on alchemy, but the original text has been lost. However, his idea is cited in Ḥājjī Khalīfa’s Kashf al-Ẓunūn, so we examine this text to understand al-Kindī’s view on alchemy. As for the latter, we specifically examine distillation technique. Before the examination of al-Kindī’s text, we review the alchemical meaning of distillation from the texts of Jabirian corpus. Then, we investigate the distillation technique in his perfume making text, Kitāb Kīmiyāʾ al-ʿIṭr wa-’l-Taṣʿīdāt to clarify the difference between distillation in perfume making and alchemy.

著者

Dai MATSUI Ryoko WATABE

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.41-51, 2015-03-30 (Released:2018-04-01)

参考文献数

31

被引用文献数

1

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Of the Ardabīl documents of the Mongol period, this paper presents a Persian land sale contract of 660 AH/1261–62 CE, with an Uigur-Turkic note attached. It should be a unique source displaying the reality of the local society in Iran under the early Mongol rule. It should deserve further comparative studies with other contracts and bilingual documents of the Ardabīl collection.

著者

中村 光男

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.153-160, 2000

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Das Textcorpus zum hethitischen <i>nuntarriiašha</i>-Fest besteht aus zwei Textgruppen. Zur ersten Gruppe gehören die sog. Übersichtstafeln, die den Gesamtverlauf des Festes in knapper Form beschreiben. Die einzelnen Festtage werden meist in einem oder höchstens zwei Abschnitten behandelt. Für das <i>nuntarriiašha</i>-Fest gibt es nicht nur einfache Duplikate, sondern auch verschiedene Versionen der Übersichtstafeln, welche die Festtage unterschiedlich numerieren und auch sonst manchmal voneinander abweichen. Man kann z. Z. zwischen sieben Versionen unterscheiden. Die Übersichtstafeln sind trotz ihrer komplizierten Verhältnissen zueinander und auch zu CTH 568 und 629 für die Rekonstruktion des Gesamtverlaufs des Festes sehr nützlich. Nach dieser Rekonstruktion dauert das Fest etwa 40 Tage und umfaßt mehrere Runden der Kultreise.<br>Zur zweiten Textgruppe gehören die sog. Tagestafeln, die ihrerseits mehrere Untergruppen bilden. Eine Tagestafel in eigentlichem Sinne beschreibt einen Tag eines Festes allein. In den meisten Fällen genügt eine Tafel dafür nicht, und man braucht mehrere Tafeln für die Beschreibung eines Festtages. Solche Tagestafeln bilden eine Tafelreihe, die im Kolophon die Nummer der jeweiligen Tafel nennt. Eine zweite Untergruppe bilden Tafeln, die die Beschreibung von mehreren Tagen (eines Festes) enthalten und streng genommen nicht als Tagestafeln bezeichnet werden können. Solche Tafeln werden z. B. für die Beschreibung eines Aufenthaltes in einer Ortschaft verwendet. Die Vorgänge von der Ankunft in der Ortschaft bis zur Abfahrt am nächsten Tag werden in einer Tafel (oder in einer Tafelreihe) beschrieben, was aus praktischen Gründen durchaus verständlich ist (vgl. 473/u (13./14. Tag)). Eine dritte Untergruppe bilden 'gemeinsame' Tafeln, die als Einzel-beschreibungstafeln mehreren Festen, z. B. einem Herbst- und Frühlingsfest, dienen. Solche Tafeln enthalten in der Regel Vermerke über etwaige Unterschiede zwischen den Festen, für die die Tafeln dienen sollen (CTH 592 (13. Tag)). Allerdings ist es nicht immer klar, ob die Tafel eigentlich einem Fest dient und nur aus verschiedenen Gründen einen solchen Verweis auf die Gegebenheiten in einem anderen Fest einschließt (vgl. KBo 13.214 (14. Tag); vgl. auch etwa KBo 30.54 Vs. i 16′-21′). Eine vierte Gruppe bilden jene Texte, die absichtlich nur einen Teil der Handlungen behandeln (Sondertafeln). Beispielsweise beschreiben manche Texte nur die Handlungen einer bestimmten Person wie etwa der Königin, eines Prinzen oder eines 'Kindes' (z. B. erwähnt ein Tafelkatalog 2011/u eine Tafel bzw. Tafelreihe, die die Handlungen des Kindes/Sohnes (DUMU-aš) im <i>halentuwa</i>-Haus und "alien Tempeln" nach der Rückkehr von der Stadt Arinna nach Hattusa im <i>nuntarriiašha</i>-Fest beschreibt) (Sondertafeln).<br>Während für einige Festtage bereits mehrere oder gar zahlreiche Tagestafelfragmente (z. B. für den 4., 5. sowie 6. Tag) festgestellt worden sind, sind jedoch für einige andere Festtage noch keine Tagestafelfragmente identifiziert worden. Es ist grundsätzlich nur dann möglich, ein Festritualfragment als Fragment einer Tagestafel des <i>nuntarriiašha</i>-Festes zu betrachten, wenn es einen entsprechenden Kolophon hat, wo entweder der Name des Festes d. h. EZEN₄ <i>nuntarriiašhaš</i> oder der Name eines Teilfestes des <i>nuntarriiašha</i>-Festes, das in der Übersicht des Festes vorkommt, genannt wird. Nicht immer zweckmäßig ist, allein anhand paralleler Stellen Fragmente miteinander in Verbindung zu bringen.<br>Während es sich bei alien Übersichtstafeln und meisten der bisher festgestellten Tagestafeln jeweils um eine junge Niederschrift handelt, gehen manche Tages

著者

宮澤 栄司

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, no.1, pp.128-155, 2007

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Circassian place-names in the district of Uzunyayla (Kayseri, Turkey) are to be analysed in terms of an anthropological approach to landscape. Circassians were forced to migrate to Anatolia by Russia's military conquest of the North Caucasus in the mid-19^th century. Uzunyayla, with 73 Circassian villages, is one of the principal locations where these refugees' eventually settled down and strove to reconstruct their homeland.<br>A landscape emerges at points where geography and human intentions meet. Place-names are the medium by which people inscribe history on natural environments and read history from them. S. Küchler (1993)'s "landscape <i>of</i> memory" is a landscape composed of a number of landmarks that record human actions. At the same time, she proposes to work on "landscape <i>as</i> memory", i. e. a process by which history is re-negotiated on each occasion that events associated with these landmarks are recalled.<br>In Uzunyayla, a "landscape <i>of</i> memory" can be observed in the use of Circassian place-names that make a connection between the Circassians' homeland and their new "home". Most Circassian villages are named after families known as "lords". This practice tells a story that Circassians followed powerful leaders who struggled against each other. Such a landscape is part of Circassians' efforts to maintain an ethnic identity and territory in the face of the state's nationalist policy.<br>The fact that the great majority of these village names are contested means that the process of making a "home" is yet to be completed. Villages are given different names in a competition for prestige, and different village names are often supported by different types of resources. The history of the Circassians' settling in Uzunyayla is constantly re-shaped as different village names accompanying different foundation stories are set off one against another. In this "landscape <i>as</i> memory", the production of history is open to dialogue.

著者

NAMIO EGAMI

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.1-36,1, 1972 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

22

被引用文献数

3 3

著者

GIKYO ITO

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, pp.55-63, 1979 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

27

被引用文献数

1 2

著者

Dai MATSUI Ryoko WATABE Hiroshi ONO

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.53-75, 2015-03-30 (Released:2018-04-01)

参考文献数

112

被引用文献数

1

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This paper presents the philological analysis of one of the Ardabīl documents: An Uigur- Turkic decree of the Timurid prince Mīrān Šāh, dated to 800 AH/1398 CE. It is the oldest of the Timurid Uigur-Turkic decrees thus far known, and the only one accompanied by a Persian summary. It attests to the patronage of the Timurid rulers for the Safavid Order in Ardabīl, and offers significant information on the administration, chancellery, taxation, and many other aspects of the early Timurid rule, and merits further investigation from the historical viewpoint.

著者

谷一 尚

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.40, no.2, pp.124-137, 1997

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During the years 1995-1996, the Yuangzhou Archaeological Excavations in China, funded by Japan Ministry of Education Grant-in-Aid for International Scientific Research, was a Joint Project by Japan and China.<br>During 1995, we discovered the Tomb of Shi Daoluo who lived during Tang dynasty, and was buried in 658 A. D. A Byzantine gold coin (Justin II, 565-578 A. D.) was discovered.<br>During 1996, the tomb of the Northern Zhou dynasty prime minister Tian Hong was discovered, who died and was buried in 575 A. D.<br>Five Byzantine gold coins: one Leo I, the Thracian (457-474 A. D.) coin, one Justin I (518-527 A. D.) coin, two Justinian I, co-regent (527 A. D.) coins, and one Justinian I, the Great (527-565 A. D.) coin were found.<br>This thesis 1) describes in detail and lists Byzantine gold coins excavated in China from 1914 to the present, including the coins from the Tomb of Shi Daoluo and from the Tomb of Tian Hong, 2) considers the background of cultural and economic relations between China and the West.

著者

津村 眞輝子

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.49, no.2, pp.40-69, 2006

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This article discusses the meaning of the "score mark" left on the Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian silver coins discovered in 1959 at Wuqia in the Xinjiang-Uygur Autonomous Region of northwest China.<br>The Wuqia hoard was studied by Chinese and Japanese researchers, including the present author, and the results were published in 2003. The hoard consists of 918 Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian silver drachms with dates between A. D. 588 and 679.<br>During our study of those coins, a number of discoveries were made. One of them was the presence of "score marks" in the margin of 84 coins. By comparing the "score marks" with other characteristics of the coins, the mark was determined to be related to the "countermark". A "countermark" is a stamp or mark impressed on a coin to verify its use by another government, or to indicate revaluation. Similar sets of "score marks" and "countermarks" also appear on other Sasanian silver coins stored in private and public collections.<br>Thus, the author concludes that the "score mark" was probably used to test the quality of the silver before striking a specific "countermark".

著者

Dai MATSUI

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.50, pp.35-39, 2015-03-30 (Released:2018-04-01)

参考文献数

16

被引用文献数

1

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This paper presents a decipherment of six seals stamped on the verso side of a Persian decree issued by the Ilkhanid amīr Čoban in 726 AH/1326 CE. It can be assumed that those seals, stamped for validation of the decree, belong to the Ilkhanid leading vassals. Identifying holders of the seals would assist historical research of the Ilkhanid chancellery system.

著者

前田 徹

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.1, pp.119-126, 2000

被引用文献数

1

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In this brief paper, I will examine the lines 100-115 of "Gilgamesh and Agga." I agree that, in this part of the text, the speaker was Gilgamesh and he was addressing Agga. However, I do not agree with the interpretation that Gilgamesh was expressing his gratitude for the mercy Agga had shown him, since we have no evidence to prove this situation. I offer an alternative interpretation for this part of the text; Gilgamesh allowed Agga to be an official in the army under his command, since Agga had no status and no privileges after he had been defeated in battle and had been abandoned by his own army. Gilgamesh released Agga. Agga served as his general and representative of Gilgamesh's rule over Kish.

著者

三笠宮 崇仁

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.43, no.2, pp.1-14, 2000

著者

井上 一

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, no.3, pp.33-48,133, 1965

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Theodor Heuß sagt in seinem Artikel «La Monarchie Hellenistique» (Firenze, 1955): "Die Ideologie der hellenistischen Monarchie mußte von ihr nicht ad hoc hervorgebracht werden, sondern stand in Augenblick ihrer Geburt wie eine reifende Frucht zur Verfügung." (S. 208) "Die Fürstenspiegelethik war nicht auf die Philosophie beschränkt und fand deshalb auch ihren eindrucksvollsten Vertreter in Isokrates." (S. 211)<br>Der Verfasser handelt von Isokrates' «Euagoras» in Bezug auf die Untersuchung seiner Fürstenspiegelethik. Er hat seine Hauptbesprechungen über den πεπραγμενων des kyprischen Dynasten (z. B. seine Herrschaftsform, seine Krieg gegen Persien) mit den gleichzeitigen internationalen Affären im Mittermeerraum vergleicht; danach schließt er als folgend: Isokrates nimmt die Herrschaft des Euagoras gewiß als Idealkönigtum auf: doch seine Behandlung begrenzt sich auf die Beziehung zwischen Athen und dem kyprischen Dynasten, so spricht er schwerlich klär von den charismatischen Zügen und dem Wesen seiner Herrschaft, Vasallkönigtum des persischen Reiches. Trotzdem, glaubt der Verfasser, möchten es sehr interessant sein, daß der griechische Pulizist als das Modell des Idealkönigtums die Herrschaft des halbbarbarischen Dynasten, der seine Lage zwischen den Mächte des Mittelmeerraumes kunstvoll gehalten hat.

著者

Nobuo MISAWA

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, pp.119-139, 2011-03-31 (Released:2014-04-06)

被引用文献数

2 5

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In previous studies on the Japanese ideology of Pan-Asianism towards the Muslims in the interwar and World War II period, all Japanese Muslims were said to be “bogus Muslims”, who converted to Islam with the intention to utilize the Muslims for the Japanese interests. The Japanese Government committed to provide such “bogus Muslims” among the Japanese people. In reality, a number of Japanese military agents became Muslims in order to promote such an ideology among the Muslims in the East and Southeast Asia. However, quite a few aforesaid Japanese intellectuals and activists became Muslims by their own will. When we consider the history of Japanese Muslims, it is required to clarify how they came to believe in Islam, especially their comprehension of harmony between Shintoism and Islam. Among such unique Japanese Muslims in the interwar period, Nur Muhammad Ippei TANAKA (1882–1934) and Ahmad Bunpachirô ARIGA (1868–1946) provide us the details of their comprehension about Islam and the unique ways they used in order to syncretize Shintoism and Islam. TANAKA learned the Chinese language and Confucianism. When the Russo-Japanese War broke out in 1904, he went to China as the interpreter of the Army and stayed in China to study Confucianism as a private scholar after the war. In this career, he was interested in the Chinese Kai-ju or Hui-ru, which literally means “Islamic Confucianism.” Finally, he converted to Islam in China in 1924. He found similarities between Shintoism and Islam, and the possibility of syncretizing Shintoism and Islam occurred to him. His idea was not realized due to his sudden death after his second pilgrim to Mecca in 1934. ARIGA converted to Islam in the year 1932 after his retirement as a businessman. He was extremely enthusiastic about the missionary actions of “Japanese Islam,” which depended on the syncretism of Shintoism and Islam, different from TANAKA’s idea. He was not religious but nationalist. Therefore, his idea was the result of the syncretism of Pan-Asianism and Islam. We must excavate unique, forgotten Japanese Muslims such as TANAKA and ARIGA in order to understand Interwar Japanese Muslims.

著者

GIKYO ITO

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

Orient (ISSN:04733851)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, pp.1-15, 1986 (Released:2009-02-12)

参考文献数

40

著者

三橋 冨治男

出版者

The Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan

雑誌

オリエント (ISSN:00305219)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, no.2, pp.199-220,234, 1966

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Ottoman admiral, Piri Reis' old map was discovered by Bay H. E. Eldem, Director of National Museums in 1929, when the old Ottoman Imperial Palace—Topkapu Saray was being turned into a Museum of Antiquites. This old map was missing for a long time.<br>The detailed research of Prof. P. Kahle and other scholars have presented very important informations regarding this map, because it was sometimes called "the map of Columbus".<br>This paper gives the explanation about figure, substance matter, preserved condition and two varieties of this old map, and shows the big image of well-known Turkish admiral in the 16th century with some interesting episode. At the same time, this paper points out that Ottoman Turks were excellent experts in the field of cartography and they stood very far above the level of European cartography in those days.