著者
黒田 裕子 佐藤 深雪
出版者
広島市立大学国際学部 (Hiroshima City University, Faculty of International Studies)
雑誌
広島国際研究 (ISSN:13413546)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, pp.59-74, 2008

This manuscript analyzes Kyoka Izumi's Furyusen and Kazushige Abe's Sin-semilla in order to explore how the "reality" of Japanese local cities is created. The authors argue that "reality" is created by the process of generating a story which is peculiar to a locality and by sharing that story among the people in the city; the story creates and, at the same time, decides "reality". In addition, each of the stories in the novels --which the authors define as "the database story"--is derived from unique databases. The focus of this manuscript is to explain the creation process of "reality" in these database stories. 13;Set in Kanazawa-city in Ishikawa prefecture during the early 20th century, Furuysen depicts two unique sets of database that are struggling to gain the initiative of the city; the one is a net of national railways and the other is a copy of local family registries. The former is the database that invokes a story of Japan as a modem, collective nation. The latter -which is secretly written by a local philanthropist -is the database that attempts to recreate the "reality" of the traditional city where the local conservatives are desperate to sustain its past glory. 13;On the other hand, in Sin-semilla, which is based on a present-day, small town called Jim-n1achi in Yan1agata prefecture, the young generation in the town is bored with "reality", because it is created by their parents with the cooperation of the American Occupation Forces during the time right after World War ll. In order to find a way out from the boredom and pressure to inherit the "reality-", they attempt to disclose the truth of the town by-processing dataacquired from secret photography. At first, they thought the act of taking secret pictures would be exiting, but they begin to be possessed by a narcotic-like, dazzling effect of the images. However, they find out that the "reality" yielded from the database is quite mediocre; nobody cannot spend their life in this ordinary "reality" as an inherent subject.
著者
永井 義人 NAGAI Yoshihito ナガイ ヨシヒト
出版者
広島市立大学国際学部 (Hiroshima City University, Faculty of International Studies)
雑誌
広島国際研究 = Hiroshima Journal of International Studies (ISSN:13413546)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, pp.1-18, 2012-11-30

The purpose of this study is to clarify how Shimane Prefecture gained approval to pass the "Takeshima Day"ordinance after having formed sister government ties and making an extensive effort to develop friendly relations with North Gyeongsang Province. Shimane Prefecture had a sense of crisis when the South Korean Government claimed effective control of Takeshima Island, and demanded that the Japanese Government would tackle the Takeshima issue as a national movement. Shimane Prefecture urged the Japanese Government to establish "Takeshima Day" as well as "Northern Territories Day," and did not have an intention to do so, initially. As a result, Shimane Prefecture enacted the ordinance in 2005. However, it was not endorsed by the Japanese Government. Then Japan- South Korea relations deteriorated, and eventually local interaction with North Gyeongsang Province was suspended due to the establishment of the ordinance.Shimane Prefecture and North Gyeongsang Province shared a recognition that the territorial dispute shouldbe solved diplomatically by the two nations. Therefore, Shimane Prefecture thought the territorial dispute and local interaction were different matters. However, North Gyeongsang Province considered that Shimane Prefecture had become involved in the territorial dispute.
著者
永井 義人
出版者
広島市立大学国際学部 (Hiroshima City University, Faculty of International Studies)
雑誌
広島国際研究 (ISSN:13413546)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, pp.1-18, 2012

The purpose of this study is to clarify how Shimane Prefecture gained approval to pass the "Takeshima Day"ordinance after having formed sister government ties and making an extensive effort to develop friendly relations with North Gyeongsang Province. Shimane Prefecture had a sense of crisis when the South Korean Government claimed effective control of Takeshima Island, and demanded that the Japanese Government would tackle the Takeshima issue as a national movement. Shimane Prefecture urged the Japanese Government to establish "Takeshima Day" as well as "Northern Territories Day," and did not have an intention to do so, initially. As a result, Shimane Prefecture enacted the ordinance in 2005. However, it was not endorsed by the Japanese Government. Then Japan- South Korea relations deteriorated, and eventually local interaction with North Gyeongsang Province was suspended due to the establishment of the ordinance.Shimane Prefecture and North Gyeongsang Province shared a recognition that the territorial dispute shouldbe solved diplomatically by the two nations. Therefore, Shimane Prefecture thought the territorial dispute and local interaction were different matters. However, North Gyeongsang Province considered that Shimane Prefecture had become involved in the territorial dispute.
著者
曾根 幹子 卜部 匡司
出版者
広島市立大学国際学部 (Hiroshima City University, Faculty of International Studies)
雑誌
広島国際研究 = Hiroshima journal of international studies (ISSN:13413546)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.22, pp.117-130, 2016

This study clarifies the number of Japanese Olympians killed in war or by violence. The Sports Museum in Berlin has been gathering the names of Olympians who have fallen victim to acts of violence or war in order to honor them and to appeal for a peaceful world. Currently, the museum has a roster with the names of only five Japanese victims. In 1982, Kenkichi Oshima (A member of the Japanese Olympic Committee) should have brought a list of 30 additional names to Berlin in order to add them to the pedestal of the Olympic bell at Berlin Olympic Stadium. However, it is impossible now not only to find the roster but even to locate the pedestal for the Olympic bell in Berlin. At the same time, Yasukuni Shrine has a list of 31 other Olympians from Japan who became war victims. We make it clear why it's different in three Lists. Our research compares and adjusts these three different lists. As a result, we propose that a new roster should be made with the names of 37 Japanese victims.
著者
中島 正博
出版者
広島市立大学国際学部 (Hiroshima City University, Faculty of International Studies)
雑誌
広島国際研究 (ISSN:13413546)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.15, pp.89-101, 2009

Present society is characterized by weak human relationships,which result in various problems in local communities due to lack of collaborative work among residents. The causes for the phenomena can be attributed to such historical trends as social modernization,urbanization,market economy,and individualism. Social capital is an outcome of social relationships and is a useful concept to understand communities. Putnam (2000: 19) defines social13;capital as the "connections among individuals --social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them." The Cabinet Office of the Japanese Government conducted two nationwide studies of social capital in 2002 and 2005. The results indicated a likelihood of declining social capital in Japan and pointed out the possibility of uplifting it by al local civil activity. However,re viewing the studies revealed the following. Civil activities to solve local problems would not be sufficient to lift social capital since its improvement will remain only a part of the community and they can not overcome the fundamental causes of the historical social trend. Recovering capabilities to solve local problems is necessary but not sufficient for community revival. To revive a community,it is necessary for people to pay regard to social ties. This requires a change in the way of people's life,whereas the prevailing social climate is to avoid personal association. The change is essential for quality of life. Civil activities to enhance quality of life are necessary. Then social capital of a community will be lifted widely and deeply enough for its revival.
著者
金 栄鎬
出版者
広島市立大学国際学部 (Hiroshima City University, Faculty of International Studies)
雑誌
広島国際研究 = Hiroshima journal of international studies (ISSN:13413546)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.23, pp.1-22, 2017

South Korea and Taiwan achieved salient economic growth and outstanding democratic transition which have attracted attention of many scholars as well as policy makers around East Asia. At the same time,there have been contrasts in the development of these nations' relations with the other parts of the divided nations, North Korea and Mainland China, since the late 1990s.South Korea's progressives set forth cooperation called "the Sunshine Policy" toward the North, on the other hand conservatives bore conflict against it. In contrast, Taiwan's progressives advocated for Taiwan's independence withstanding mainland China's hostility, whereas conservatives managed cooperation and exchanges based on "the 1992 Consensus" despite domestic controversy over its existence.The paper traces the process of national division, civil war or war, democratization, and the end of the cold war, and compares development and changes in political actors' perception of each South Korea and Taiwan to illustrate contrasts between Inter-Korean and Cross-Strait relations.
著者
池田 慎太郎
出版者
広島市立大学国際学部 (Hiroshima City University, Faculty of International Studies)
雑誌
広島国際研究 (ISSN:13413546)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.14, pp.1-17, 2008

The purpose of this essay is to examine the relationship between the U.S.-Japan alliance and local politics focusing on the Iwakuni Base problem. The Iwakuni Base was originally established by the Imperial Japanese Navy in 1938, but the U.S. and the British Commonwealth countries seized it in 1945. Then U.S. Marine took initiative and the base became Marine Corps Air Station in 1962. After the incident that U.S. fighter crashed into the Kyushu University in 1968, the city and people of Iwakuni petitioned the Japanese Government for moving the base off the coast and the huge project began in 1997. 13;On the other hand, Okinawa's anger reached to the peak after the rape incident of an Okinawan girl by three U.S. soldiers in 1995. And the people surrounding the Atsugi Base complained about Night Landing Practice by carrier-based aircrafts. Thus Iwakuni was considered the best place to transfer aircrafts in Okinawa and Atsugi. 13;By a local referendum held in 2006, an overwhelming majority of Iwakuni said "NO" to accept the transfer of carrier-based aircrafts. However, the Japanese Government stopped granting a subsidy of 35 billion yen to construct a new Iwakuni city hall. Mayer Ihara resigned and ran for a mayoral election. Ihara criticized cruel treatment by the government and insisted to support local autonomy and democracy. However, Ihara was defeated by a former member of the House of Representatives who approved accepting carrier-based aircrafts in exchange for a subsidy. Thus it was decided that Iwakuni would be the largest air base in the Far East after the accomplishment of U.S. military transformation scheduled in 2014.
著者
繁沢 敦子 SHIGESAWA Atsuko シゲサワ アツコ
出版者
広島市立大学国際学部 (Hiroshima City University, Faculty of International Studies)
雑誌
広島国際研究 = Hiroshima Journal of International Studies (ISSN:13413546)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.18, pp.19-37, 2012-11-30

The purpose of this essay is to discuss if Hiroshima, John Hersey's famous account of six survivors in atom-bombed Hiroshima, really describes the "full-range of the bomb's effects" as often believed. It discusses how Hersey might not have been entirely free in expression or in disseminating information, considering the popular sentiment and the issue of national security at a time when censorship was still common among publishers.This author assumes that Hersey, while describing a certain range of atomic horrors, might have refrained from discussing what were considered then as taboo: residual radiation. Hersey might also have avoided talking about the moral aspects of the dropping of the bomb, to stay in line with the official narrative and overwhelming public sentiment. However, it was important that the account, as a warning to the world, reach as many people as possible, and it has served this purpose to a great success.In an effort to prove these assumptions, the author explores the social and literary space at the time Hiroshima was published. She also compares Hiroshima with various materials in the John Hersey Papers at Yale University library in an attempt to determine to what extent and for what purpose Hersey might have used these materials, especially the Effects of Atomic Bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, by the United States Strategic Bombing Survey, which was just published when Hersey was writing his account.