著者

原 雅樹

出版者

広島市立大学国際学部

雑誌

広島国際研究 = Hiroshima Journal of International Studies (ISSN:13413546)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.[79]-90, 2021-12-01

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In Bram Stoker's Dracula (1897), the Transylvanian vampire Dracula plans to invade England by sucking the blood of "new women" who embody the late 19th century sexual anarchy, and transforming them into his own species. The novel seemingly re-enforces traditional sexual norms because he is eventually defeated by the vampire hunters fighting to protect England, and Mina, who acts as their "angel in the house", a de-eroticized woman engaging in reproduction. However, a number of studies, including queer criticism that interprets bloodsucking as a metaphor for homosexuality, have attempted to bring to light the radical sexual politics latent in the novel. This paper argues that Mina "the angel in the house" is, paradoxically, even more perverse than Dracula, the embodiment of dangerous sexuality that threatens reproductive normativity. She not only directs her maternal love to Dracula, but also tries to help the men by copying the miscellaneous records about Dracula with a typewriter and editing them into a story, that is, Dracula. Since Dracula burns the original records, people can only learn about him through the copies, both in the world of the novel and in the real world. Mina is portrayed as a sexual pervert who, acting as an "angel in the house," gives birth to Dracula. By depicting her as a woman who subverts sexual norms through her subordination to them, the author is trying to present an alternative to the modern liberal subjectivity, what we might call liberty without subjectivity.

著者

金谷 信子

出版者

広島市立大学国際学部

雑誌

広島国際研究 = Hiroshima Journal of International Studies (ISSN:13413546)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, pp.43-60, 2017-11-30

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This paper examines the differences in behaviors between nonprofit providers and for-profit providers of Long-Term Care Services (LTCS) for the elderly in Japan by analyzing whether providers compromise on quality and engage in strategies to maximize profits. The quasi-market was introduced to improve the efficiency of the former public welfare service, which was limited to serving the public and nonprofit organizations. However, there is considerable doubt about LTCS's ability to balance the market mechanism with the fairness or equality of public services.Therefore, I examine the possibility of service quality compromises and the tendency toward strategic behaviors, e.g., the selection of users and service locations, economies of scale, and economies of scope. The results indicate the service quality of nonprofit providers may be better than that of for-profit providers. For-profit providers also seem to select profitable users and service locations and seek the scale and scope of economies more positively than nonprofit providers.

著者

永井 義人 NAGAI Yoshihito ナガイ ヨシヒト

出版者

広島市立大学国際学部 (Hiroshima City University, Faculty of International Studies)

雑誌

広島国際研究 = Hiroshima Journal of International Studies (ISSN:13413546)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, pp.1-18, 2012-11-30

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The purpose of this study is to clarify how Shimane Prefecture gained approval to pass the "Takeshima Day"ordinance after having formed sister government ties and making an extensive effort to develop friendly relations with North Gyeongsang Province. Shimane Prefecture had a sense of crisis when the South Korean Government claimed effective control of Takeshima Island, and demanded that the Japanese Government would tackle the Takeshima issue as a national movement. Shimane Prefecture urged the Japanese Government to establish "Takeshima Day" as well as "Northern Territories Day," and did not have an intention to do so, initially. As a result, Shimane Prefecture enacted the ordinance in 2005. However, it was not endorsed by the Japanese Government. Then Japan- South Korea relations deteriorated, and eventually local interaction with North Gyeongsang Province was suspended due to the establishment of the ordinance.Shimane Prefecture and North Gyeongsang Province shared a recognition that the territorial dispute shouldbe solved diplomatically by the two nations. Therefore, Shimane Prefecture thought the territorial dispute and local interaction were different matters. However, North Gyeongsang Province considered that Shimane Prefecture had become involved in the territorial dispute.

著者

大庭 千恵子

出版者

広島市立大学国際学部

雑誌

広島国際研究 = Hiroshima Journal of International Studies (ISSN:13413546)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.[1]-24, 2021-12-01

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The EU Strategy on Western Balkans enlargement caused debate and even disagreement among various political actors. In May 1999, after the Kosovo Conflict, the EU launched the Stabilisation and Association Process providing the Western Balkans with the opportunity for potential candidacy for EU membership. At the Thessaloniki summit in 2003, the European Council declared that the future of the Balkans would be within the European Union. However, since the 2004 and 2007 EU enlargements towards Central and Eastern Europe, the EU's enlargement policy has lost its priority to external policy concerns and strategies.The Western Balkan countries, including Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Crna Gora (Montenegro) , Kosovo, North Macedonia, and Serbia, are confronted with a different and uncertain enlargement context without a clear accession timeframe, contrary to the Central and Eastern countries. In the latest Enlargement Strategy entitled "A Credible Enlargement Perspective for and enhanced EU engagement with the Western Balkans", the European Commission has acknowledged the fact that the candidate countries are still far from membership. The Republic of North Macedonia, the main subject of this paper, was approved as a candidate country in 2005, and the European Council finally agreed to start accession negotiations with this Republic and Albania in March 2020, with a pending condition that the negotiations will be suspended if the reforms do not proceed.The central research question of this paper is, given these circumstances, how effective is the transformative power of "Europeanisation" in transferring EU rules and norms to the legal and political systems of the Republic of North Macedonia. This paper is organized into three chapters. Following the introductory chapter, chapter II presentsthe EU policies and strategies for the Western Balkans. Chapter III discusses the priority reforms and specific measures in the Republic of North Macedonia, especially in the field of rule of law and regional cooperation policies.

著者

山本 雅

出版者

広島市立大学国際学部

雑誌

広島国際研究 = Hiroshima Journal of International Studies (ISSN:13413546)

巻号頁・発行日

no.2, pp.71-82, 1996-03

著者

曾根 幹子 卜部 匡司

出版者

広島市立大学国際学部 (Hiroshima City University, Faculty of International Studies)

雑誌

広島国際研究 = Hiroshima journal of international studies (ISSN:13413546)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, pp.117-130, 2016

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This study clarifies the number of Japanese Olympians killed in war or by violence. The Sports Museum in Berlin has been gathering the names of Olympians who have fallen victim to acts of violence or war in order to honor them and to appeal for a peaceful world. Currently, the museum has a roster with the names of only five Japanese victims. In 1982, Kenkichi Oshima (A member of the Japanese Olympic Committee) should have brought a list of 30 additional names to Berlin in order to add them to the pedestal of the Olympic bell at Berlin Olympic Stadium. However, it is impossible now not only to find the roster but even to locate the pedestal for the Olympic bell in Berlin. At the same time, Yasukuni Shrine has a list of 31 other Olympians from Japan who became war victims. We make it clear why it's different in three Lists. Our research compares and adjusts these three different lists. As a result, we propose that a new roster should be made with the names of 37 Japanese victims.

著者

李 玲

出版者

広島市立大学国際学部

雑誌

広島国際研究 = Hiroshima journal of international studies (ISSN:13413546)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, pp.61-71, 2016

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This study focuses on the concept of "face," which is regarded as an important concept that shapes Chinese behavior in daily life, and clarifies the relationship between face and consumer behavior in the Chinese market. Based on various discussions in the literature, the framework of face, as it relates to consumer behavior, is defined as the psychological satisfaction obtained from the results of an individual's image management. The purpose of image management is to extract a desired response or evaluation from others, and can be achieved through consumption. Chinese people tend to have strong face consciousness. Based on the framework of face's influence mechanism discussed in his study, the amount of face perception as a positive impact on purchase intention.

著者

金 栄鎬

出版者

広島市立大学国際学部 (Hiroshima City University, Faculty of International Studies)

雑誌

広島国際研究 = Hiroshima journal of international studies (ISSN:13413546)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.23, pp.1-22, 2017

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South Korea and Taiwan achieved salient economic growth and outstanding democratic transition which have attracted attention of many scholars as well as policy makers around East Asia. At the same time,there have been contrasts in the development of these nations' relations with the other parts of the divided nations, North Korea and Mainland China, since the late 1990s.South Korea's progressives set forth cooperation called "the Sunshine Policy" toward the North, on the other hand conservatives bore conflict against it. In contrast, Taiwan's progressives advocated for Taiwan's independence withstanding mainland China's hostility, whereas conservatives managed cooperation and exchanges based on "the 1992 Consensus" despite domestic controversy over its existence.The paper traces the process of national division, civil war or war, democratization, and the end of the cold war, and compares development and changes in political actors' perception of each South Korea and Taiwan to illustrate contrasts between Inter-Korean and Cross-Strait relations.

著者

繁沢 敦子 SHIGESAWA Atsuko シゲサワ アツコ

出版者

広島市立大学国際学部 (Hiroshima City University, Faculty of International Studies)

雑誌

広島国際研究 = Hiroshima Journal of International Studies (ISSN:13413546)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.18, pp.19-37, 2012-11-30

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The purpose of this essay is to discuss if Hiroshima, John Hersey's famous account of six survivors in atom-bombed Hiroshima, really describes the "full-range of the bomb's effects" as often believed. It discusses how Hersey might not have been entirely free in expression or in disseminating information, considering the popular sentiment and the issue of national security at a time when censorship was still common among publishers.This author assumes that Hersey, while describing a certain range of atomic horrors, might have refrained from discussing what were considered then as taboo: residual radiation. Hersey might also have avoided talking about the moral aspects of the dropping of the bomb, to stay in line with the official narrative and overwhelming public sentiment. However, it was important that the account, as a warning to the world, reach as many people as possible, and it has served this purpose to a great success.In an effort to prove these assumptions, the author explores the social and literary space at the time Hiroshima was published. She also compares Hiroshima with various materials in the John Hersey Papers at Yale University library in an attempt to determine to what extent and for what purpose Hersey might have used these materials, especially the Effects of Atomic Bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, by the United States Strategic Bombing Survey, which was just published when Hersey was writing his account.