著者

五十嵐 元道

出版者

一般財団法人 日本国際政治学会

雑誌

国際政治 (ISSN:04542215)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.2018, no.193, pp.193_140-193_156, 2018-09-10 (Released:2018-12-19)

参考文献数

81

---

In contemporary international relations, it is almost impossible to acknowledge the actual situation of armed conflicts without the reports of human rights NGOs. These reports often record detailed data, including the number of civilian casualties, and therefore contribute to the construction of the representation of armed conflicts. While constructivism analyzes the normative power of human rights and NGOs, it misses the struggle over the representation of armed conflicts between human rights NGOs and sovereign states. Applying P. Bourdieu’s theory of fields, this article demonstrates how human rights NGOs have fought against sovereign states and acquired a decisive influence over the representation of armed conflicts. Sovereign states and NGOs have constituted global and local fields in which actors wrangle over legitimacy by making the representation of the armed conflicts.This article argues that the struggles over the representation of armed conflicts between states and NGOs began in the late 1960s because of several post-colonial conflicts such as the Nigerian Civil War (the Biafran War) and the Northern Yemen Civil War. In these conflicts, traditional neutrality rarely afforded protection from military attack to NGOs; on the contrary, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)’s policy of avoiding testimony faced severe criticism as this policy seemed to help genocide continue. Until the 1960s, NGOs such as the ICRC had tended to avoid publicly criticizing sovereign states in armed conflicts even when NGOs confronted genocides.In the 1970s, human rights networks, including local and international NGOs, have been created because of serious human rights violations in Latin American countries. Various NGOs recorded human rights violations and publicly criticized authoritarian states. In the 1980s, when the Salvadoran Civil War occurred, local NGOs tracked civilian casualties and human rights violations by armed forces. With the help of these local NGOs, the newly established Americas Watch published many reports on the Salvadoran Civil War. Thereby, the Americas Watch tried to change the foreign policy of the Reagan administration that strongly supported the Salvadoran government. The data on civilian casualties was the focal point of the struggle between NGOs and the Reagan administration. This struggle contributed to the constitution of the global regime for humanitarian crises and led to the development of the methodology of fact-finding in armed conflicts. In the late 1980s and 1990s this global regime for humanitarian crises expanded as the number of human rights NGOs increased and the UN was involved in fact-finding missions.

著者

五十嵐 元道

出版者

関西大学法学研究所

雑誌

ノモス = Nomos (ISSN:09172599)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.46, pp.17-36, 2020-06-30

---

本稿は、科研費若手研究「紛争下での文民死者数データの生成の構造と、その歴史的展開の分析」(課題番号19K13639)、ならびに関西大学法学研究所「帝国」的実践研究班研究費に基づく研究成果の一部である。

著者

五十嵐 元道

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.2, pp.2_271-2_290, 2014 (Released:2018-02-01)

---

This article will show how the paradigm of development emerged in the British Empire in the 1930s. Some existing works on development seek to describe the power structure of ‘depoliticization’ in developing countries by analyzing development aid policies after decolonization. However, they hardly explain when and how the depoliticization of poverty and development began. This article will demonstrate that when the paradigm of development emerged in the 1930s, poverty and development were depoliticized from the very beginning. In the late 19th and early 20th century, British colonial administration was based mainly on the colonial philosophy of ‘indirect rule.’ However, in the 1930s, poverty was found by new experts such as social anthropologists and biologists in the British colonies. By using scientific methods, they constituted the paradigm of development which required social policies in dependent territories. In this process, the structure of depoliticization was established.

著者

五十嵐 元道

出版者

日本政治学会

雑誌

年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, no.1, pp.1_76-1_95, 2019 (Released:2020-06-21)

---

本稿は、主権概念を手掛かりに、国際社会における近年の介入の在り方について分析する。とりわけ、2010年代のリビア紛争とシリア紛争を事例として、オバマ政権期のアメリカによる介入政策を中心に検討する。リビアとシリアへの介入は、いかなる主権領域での、いかなる介入だったのか。本稿は、この時期のアメリカの介入政策が以下のような特徴を備えていたことを明らかにする。この介入政策は、 (1) 反政府勢力が結集し一体化するよう促し、 (2) 国際的な政治的承認を与えて段階的に外的主権を移行させ、 (3) 最終的に反政府勢力が現政権を倒し、新しい安定した統一政府 (国内主権) を樹立するよう助力するものである。本稿はこの政策をその特徴から 「及び腰の介入」 (reluctant intervention) と呼ぶが、これは現地勢力 (エージェンシー) の特質にその成否を依存するものだった。リビアとシリアの事例は、アフガニスタン戦争とイラク戦争後の世界で、欧米諸国が選択可能な介入政策の限界を示唆している。以下では、介入と主権についての先行研究を概観し (第1節) 、主権概念をもとにリビアとシリアにおける介入の特徴を明らかにする (第2節、第3節)。そして、最後に結論と示唆について論じる。

著者

五十嵐 元道

出版者

北海道大学大学院法学研究科

雑誌

北大法学論集 (ISSN:03855953)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.65, no.1, pp.180-157, 2014-05-30

著者

五十嵐 元道

出版者

関西大学法学研究所

雑誌

続・戦争と統治のあいだ

巻号頁・発行日

pp.239-283, 2022-03-25