著者
中澤 俊輔
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.1_194-1_214, 2010 (Released:2016-02-24)

This article reconsiders the mean of the Peace Preservation Law in prewar Japan's era of party cabinets.   The Ministry of Interior (MI) took a passive attitude towards new Acts and applied existing laws against extreme thought. On the other hand, the Ministry of Justice (MJ) was more active in making new regulations because it needed a legal basis for thought control. Moreover, MI was close to Kensei-kai, as MJ with Seiyu-Kai. The KATO Taka'aki cabinet - Kensei-kai and Seiyu-kai were the Government parties - mediated between two ministries.   MI tightened its guard against overseas communists. Furthermore, Prime Minister KATO hoped to inhibit propaganda by means of the treaty between Japan and Soviet Russia rather than through domestic regulations. So, the Peace Preservation Law was enacted for punishing associations, especially communists. However, the limits of this Law were quickly exposed.   The first draft of the Bill would have allowed for the punishment of changing the parliamentary system, “Seitai”. However, political parties deleted this provision because they feared it might limit party activities.
著者
小宮 京
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.1, pp.1_319-1_339, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)

This article investigates the reform of Japanese Police System during 1945-55.   Most of the existing studies of Japanese Police System under the Allied Occupation rarely discuss local Police System. Our main focus in this article is the Osaka Metropolitan Police Department (OMPD) during 1949-1954.   In 1948, GHQ ordered the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department (TMPD) to adopt a patrol system on the model of the American system. TMPD refused the directive. Next, GHQ carried out the same directive to Eiji Suzuki, the chief of the Osaka City Municipal Police. Suzuki founded OMPD which had an American type of the patrol system. After the Allied Occupation, OMPD was abolished because it was faithful to GHQ directives. Thus, OMPD was reorganized to the Osaka Prefectural Police Department.   Japanese Police System returned to a highly centralized system as a result that most of the Police System reform under the Allied Occupation were denied.
著者
宮本 悟
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.195-215,253, 2005 (Released:2010-04-30)

For a long time, a majority of people have thought that the military would attempt a coup d'etat in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea due to the widespread economic deterioration in the past, and the fact that the domestic economy has seen some recent improvement makes this event more unlikely at present.Why haven't a group of officers within the Korean People's Army attempted a coup d'etat? In this research, I provide three key reasons that explain why, even during three crisis periods involving major politico-military purges, this has not happened.Chiefly these were: entrenched clique competition in the military; the existence of an organization that can oppose the armed forces; and a systemic and purposeful division of the military. I have confirmed through this research that the system that has divided the military still exists in the army, a system controlled effectively by a senior commissar. Therefore, this research concludes that the possibility of a coup d'etat occurring is low even in the present D. P. R. K.
著者
永井 陽之助
出版者
木鐸社
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
no.1966, pp.89-131, 1966-09
著者
築山 宏樹
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.1, pp.1_283-1_305, 2015 (Released:2018-06-10)
参考文献数
53

This study investigates the effect of legislator behaviors on electoral outcome using the panel data of 47 prefectural assembly elections in Japan from 1975 to 2007. In particular, we focus on two legislator strategies to influence public policy under the institution of the Japanese local government: party control of the local governor through electoral support and bill introduction on their own. Theoretically, legislator behaviors would affect electoral fortune, whereas electoral forecast would affect legislator strategies. To address such an endogeneity problem, we adopt the Arellano–Bond estimator for dynamic panel data. The results controlling the endogeneity indicate that parties increase their electoral margins when affiliating with the governor and that the number of bills introduced by parties has no effect on their electoral margins. Furthermore, we discuss that the difference of the effectiveness between the two legislator strategies is caused by the institutional feature of the Japanese local government, where the governor dominates the policy-making process.
著者
山本 圭
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.63, no.2, pp.2_267-2_287, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)
参考文献数
39

This paper aims to re - think the relationship between populism and democracy, and clarify that populism can hold some advantages for democratic societies. In order to do this I shall, first of all, make a survey of some arguments that have dealt with this relationship, and show that they face a difficult antinomy. I will then argue that the primary reason for this dilemma resides in “two strand theory” in the concept of modern democracy.   Secondly, this paper focuses on theories of “radical democracy” to indicate how and why recent democratic theories move closer to populism. After reviewing some representative theories of radical democracy, I shall pick up Ernesto Laclau's political theory on populism, as his thought provides an appropriate example of the encounter between democracy and populism. Finally, through these considerations, I will attempt to clarify “the democratic utilities of populism.”
著者
木下 真志
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.1_109-1_142, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)
参考文献数
104

Recently, there are many articles with which SDPJ is dealt. The aim of this article is to investigate the formation process of the proposition “kouzou-kaikaku” (the reform plan of SDPJ) and to verify how the plan had held place in SDPJ at that moment. Especially I will focus on the rising and fall of the faction “Eda-Ha” which was represented by Eda Saburou (one of the influential reformers in SDPJ). It would have intended to reform SDPJ in large measure in 1960's. But in spite of its passion, the reform faced the various oppositions by the major (left) factions within SDPJ. As the consequence, Eda-Ha failed to reform SDPJ.   We can see many reasons why the theory “kouzou-kaikaku” has lost its position in SDPJ. Up to this time, it is said that the decline of Eda-Ha with the intention of the reform caused to the decline of SDPJ. I present other reason of the decline from the alternative points of view.   By doing so, I intend to contribute further development of the studies on SDPJ.

18 0 0 0 OA 崇高と政治理論

著者
小田川 大典
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.125-149,265, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)
参考文献数
34

In his later work, L'inhumaine: Causeries sur le temps (1988), Jean-François Lyotard advocated the aesthetic political theory under the influence of Edmund Burke's early writing, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1759), though little attention has been paid to this point so far. This paper is intended as the examination of Burke's physiological aesthetics of sublimity and Lyotard's postmodern theory of the sublime from the perspective of political philosophy. Indeed, they didn't preach Kantian moral principles, but claimed the necessity of cultivation of the ethical sensibility through the aesthetical experience of the sublime in their theories. We may go on from this to the conclusion that it is what Stephen White called “the sense of responsibility to otherness” and “the world-disclosing function of language” in his work, Political Theory and Postmodernism (1991) that Burke and Lyotard emphasized the importance of.
著者
池内 恵
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.1, pp.1_189-1_214, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)

Ummah, religio-political community, has been imagined and reimagined throughout Islamic history. In this paper, recent development of the notion of Ummah in the Arab-Islamic political thought is analyzed. A voluminous work Call for the Global Islamic Resistance written by Abu Mus‘ab al-Suri, a theorist in the Jihadist circle, is cosidered as an important endeavor to reconstitute Ummah as a self-organizing entity. Al-Suri’s organizational theory conceptualizes de-centralized reconstruction of Global Jihad movement. In his view, Global Jihad is composed of voluntary and autonomous activities of small “Individual Jihad.” In dispersing Global Jihad into every corner of society, al-Suri’s theory envisions a worldwide Ummah incessantly constituted as the result of every Muslim's local act of each and individual resistance. Al-Suri’s optimistic view of the present state of Ummah, and particularly of its youths, as spontaneously rising to the call of Global Jihad poses a fundamental turn in the context of Jihadists’ trail of rejection of “Jahiliyya” and alienation from wider Muslim public.
著者
田村 哲樹
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.1, pp.1_37-1_60, 2015 (Released:2018-06-10)
参考文献数
37

Scholars of politics have been familiar with normative-empirical distinction. Yet this article reconsiders this divide through exploring another classification in terms of the “observable” and the “unobservable”. According to this new classification, we can assume two types of politics research. Firstly, there are researches which are based on the positivist epistemology and, therefore, deal with the observable. In these cases, the cooperation between positivist, empirical analyses and the normative political philosophy focusing on moral values such as justice, equality and freedom would be feasible. Secondly, there are researches which are based on the non-positivist epistemologies including both interpretivism and realism, and, therefore, deal with the unobservable in some senses. In these cases, the cooperation between non-positivist empirical analyses and the “politics-political” political theory focusing on topics about the nature and the role of politics and the political would be feasible. Consequently, this article contends that we can rethink the existing distinction between the normative and the empirical in political science; the distance either between normative political philosophy and “politics-political” political theory or between positivist empirical analysis and non-positivist one might be farther than what is ordinarily drawn between normative political theory and empirical analysis.

14 0 0 0 OA 結社と民主政治

著者
早川 誠
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.1_61-1_81, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

The role of voluntary associations is a focus of current democratic theories including civil society argument, radical democracy, and deliberative democracy. Though it is certain that associations often perform democratic functions, they also disturb democracy by demanding narrow group interests, suppressing the opinions of group members, and lacking the interest in coordination and compromise. Whereas the associationalism developed in the United States depends on voluntary associations excessively; the one in the United Kingdom has been paying a close attention to the inadequacy of associational effects. The legacy of the pluralist theory of the state is especially important in this regard. Comparing two strands of associationalism, it is clear that something is necessary to strike an appropriate balance between the democratic and undemocratic functions of associations. The key to the problem is the new understanding of representative democracy. Contrary to the idea that associatiomalism will eventually replace the state-centered politics, a strong but flexible state which can accommodate and coordinate a variety of associations is required. Without taking such a state into consideration, associationalism would not be able to realize stabilized and impartial democratic politics.
著者
山本 圭
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.63, no.2, pp.2_267-2_287, 2012

This paper aims to re - think the relationship between populism and democracy, and clarify that populism can hold some advantages for democratic societies. In order to do this I shall, first of all, make a survey of some arguments that have dealt with this relationship, and show that they face a difficult antinomy. I will then argue that the primary reason for this dilemma resides in "two strand theory" in the concept of modern democracy. <br>&nbsp;&nbsp;Secondly, this paper focuses on theories of "radical democracy" to indicate how and why recent democratic theories move closer to populism. After reviewing some representative theories of radical democracy, I shall pick up Ernesto Laclau's political theory on populism, as his thought provides an appropriate example of the encounter between democracy and populism. Finally, through these considerations, I will attempt to clarify "the democratic utilities of populism."
著者
塩沢 健一
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.2_203-2_224, 2009

In a "yes or no" type referendum, people are forced to choose "all or nothing" on a specific issue. However, voting for "yes" or "no" may not be the optimal behavior for those who have neutral attitude toward the issue. In this paper, I analyze the degree to which the choice set of "yes or no" is adequate for referendums and the degree to which referendums can work as a policy-making device for discovering the "will of the people." The data is based on a mail survey conducted in Iwakuni City of Yamaguchi Prefecture.   Although Iwakuni voters "disapproved" of transferring extra forces from an-other base to Iwakuni by an overwhelmingly large margin in the referendum, respondents were divided when I asked them a question that included a choice that considering the financial benefits brought about by presence of U.S. forces. The case of Iwakuni suggests that the "will of the people" cannot be settled with a single balloting and that using a referendum is not necessarily the most appropriate approach when an intermediate solution is available.