著者
中澤 俊輔
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.1_194-1_214, 2010 (Released:2016-02-24)

This article reconsiders the mean of the Peace Preservation Law in prewar Japan's era of party cabinets.   The Ministry of Interior (MI) took a passive attitude towards new Acts and applied existing laws against extreme thought. On the other hand, the Ministry of Justice (MJ) was more active in making new regulations because it needed a legal basis for thought control. Moreover, MI was close to Kensei-kai, as MJ with Seiyu-Kai. The KATO Taka'aki cabinet - Kensei-kai and Seiyu-kai were the Government parties - mediated between two ministries.   MI tightened its guard against overseas communists. Furthermore, Prime Minister KATO hoped to inhibit propaganda by means of the treaty between Japan and Soviet Russia rather than through domestic regulations. So, the Peace Preservation Law was enacted for punishing associations, especially communists. However, the limits of this Law were quickly exposed.   The first draft of the Bill would have allowed for the punishment of changing the parliamentary system, “Seitai”. However, political parties deleted this provision because they feared it might limit party activities.
著者
小宮 京
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.1, pp.1_319-1_339, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)

This article investigates the reform of Japanese Police System during 1945-55.   Most of the existing studies of Japanese Police System under the Allied Occupation rarely discuss local Police System. Our main focus in this article is the Osaka Metropolitan Police Department (OMPD) during 1949-1954.   In 1948, GHQ ordered the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department (TMPD) to adopt a patrol system on the model of the American system. TMPD refused the directive. Next, GHQ carried out the same directive to Eiji Suzuki, the chief of the Osaka City Municipal Police. Suzuki founded OMPD which had an American type of the patrol system. After the Allied Occupation, OMPD was abolished because it was faithful to GHQ directives. Thus, OMPD was reorganized to the Osaka Prefectural Police Department.   Japanese Police System returned to a highly centralized system as a result that most of the Police System reform under the Allied Occupation were denied.
著者
宮本 悟
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.195-215,253, 2005 (Released:2010-04-30)

For a long time, a majority of people have thought that the military would attempt a coup d'etat in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea due to the widespread economic deterioration in the past, and the fact that the domestic economy has seen some recent improvement makes this event more unlikely at present.Why haven't a group of officers within the Korean People's Army attempted a coup d'etat? In this research, I provide three key reasons that explain why, even during three crisis periods involving major politico-military purges, this has not happened.Chiefly these were: entrenched clique competition in the military; the existence of an organization that can oppose the armed forces; and a systemic and purposeful division of the military. I have confirmed through this research that the system that has divided the military still exists in the army, a system controlled effectively by a senior commissar. Therefore, this research concludes that the possibility of a coup d'etat occurring is low even in the present D. P. R. K.
著者
上神 貴佳
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.1_220-1_240, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)
参考文献数
21
被引用文献数
1 2

This paper examines the relationship between a democratization of party leadership selection and party organizational change in Japan. The Liberal Democratic Party, the long ruling party, became used to utilizing votes by party members as a method of electing its presidents. Compared with the Democratic Party of Japan, the second largest party, LDP has a much larger number of members, but its factional linkage which holds diet members and rank and file party members together has dwindled. By contrast, the organizational support base of DPJ remains weak, so the demand of local party organizations for votes by party members does not increase. In sum, as a result of many LDP members voting individually, they are coming on the stage of party leadership selection as new actors. Both because the incentives of candidates and members change, votes by party members became popular in LDP.
著者
清水 唯一朗
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.67, no.2, pp.2_13-2_36, 2016 (Released:2019-12-10)
参考文献数
24

日本の選挙区制度は, 1889年の小選挙区制にはじまり, 大→小→中→大→中選挙区制と転変を経て, 今日, 小選挙区比例代表並立制に到達している。 他方, 個別の選挙区割りは, 明治以来, 相応の連続性をもって現代に維持されている。選挙区を空間的な政治制度として捉え, その歴史的展開を論じることは日本の選挙制度を理解する上で欠かせない作業となろう。よって本稿では, 選挙区を空間的政治制度として捉える第一歩としてその始点となる1889年の選挙区がどのような考えのもとでどう線引きされたのかを, 当時の議論から明らかにする。そこでは内閣, 内務省, 府県知事だけが策定に関与した結果, 選挙事務の実施という行政的な側面と, 選挙を安定的に運営すべく旧藩域を極力維持する方法が取られた。とりわけ旧秩序の継承と小選挙区の選択は選挙に対する地方名望家の影響力を残し, その後の立憲政治の展開に大きな制約を与えることとなった。

36 0 0 0 OA 投票参加の低下

著者
三船 毅
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.1, pp.135-160,351, 2005-11-10 (Released:2010-04-30)
被引用文献数
1

This paper uses individual-level data to examine the cause of the sudden decline in turnout in House of Representatives elections in the 1990s.The turnout rate remained flat from 1972 to 1990, but between 1990 and 1996 fell rapidly. In fact, individual-level data show that the electorate's political awareness changed markedly.The analysis utilized in this inquiry first offers a comprehensive explanation for the sudden change in turnout. It then establishes determinants of both voting and abstention through probit analysis, and finally illustrates the cause of the fall in turnout through simulations.The results show that the decline in turnout from 1990 to 1996 was due not to a decrease in mobilization, but rather to a decline in partisanship and low political interest of the electorate. In addition, alteration of the electoral rules had little significant effects.
著者
永井 陽之助
出版者
木鐸社
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
no.1966, pp.89-131, 1966-09
著者
芦谷 圭祐
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.70, no.1, pp.1_316-1_344, 2019 (Released:2020-06-21)
参考文献数
57

日本政治における女性の政治的過少代表が問題とされて久しい。これまでの研究では、立候補過程における障壁が特に女性にとって高いことが注目される傾向にあり、リクルートメントを担う主体として政党の役割が重視されてきた。一方で、政党がどのような選挙区に女性の新人候補者を擁立するのかについては、理論的にも実証的にも十分には明らかでない。政党の役割が重視されていることとは対照的である。本稿では、1989年以降の政令市議会議員選挙を対象に、政党のリクルート過程の分権性と政党間関係に着目し、政党がどのような選挙区に、あるいはどのような場合に女性の新人候補者を擁立するのかについての理論構築とその検証を試みた。 分析結果からは、以下の点が明らかになった。政党は自党に女性の現職議員がいる選挙区には女性の新人候補を積極的に擁立することが難しい。その一方で、対立的な関係にある政党の女性現職議員がいる選挙区には、積極的に女性の新人候補を擁立している。これらの結果は、活発な政党間競争が女性議員の数を増加させる可能性を示唆している。
著者
築山 宏樹
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.1, pp.1_283-1_305, 2015 (Released:2018-06-10)
参考文献数
53

This study investigates the effect of legislator behaviors on electoral outcome using the panel data of 47 prefectural assembly elections in Japan from 1975 to 2007. In particular, we focus on two legislator strategies to influence public policy under the institution of the Japanese local government: party control of the local governor through electoral support and bill introduction on their own. Theoretically, legislator behaviors would affect electoral fortune, whereas electoral forecast would affect legislator strategies. To address such an endogeneity problem, we adopt the Arellano–Bond estimator for dynamic panel data. The results controlling the endogeneity indicate that parties increase their electoral margins when affiliating with the governor and that the number of bills introduced by parties has no effect on their electoral margins. Furthermore, we discuss that the difference of the effectiveness between the two legislator strategies is caused by the institutional feature of the Japanese local government, where the governor dominates the policy-making process.
著者
善教 将大 秦 正樹
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.1, pp.1_159-1_180, 2017 (Released:2020-07-01)
参考文献数
35

本稿の目的は, 政治意識調査における 「わからない (「DK」)」 の発生メカニズムを, サーベイ実験により明らかにすることである。先行研究ではDKの規定要因として政治関心や政治知識の欠如が指摘されてきたが, 本稿は回答者に情報を与えることがかえってDK率の増加に繋がる場合もあるという仮説を提示し, この仮説の妥当性を実験的手法により検証する。全国の有権者を対象とするサーベイ実験の結果は次の3点にまとめられる。第1に政策のメリットやデメリットの情報の提示はDK率を有意に低下させる。第2に, しかし政党の政策位置に関する情報の提示はDK率の低下にほとんど寄与しない。第3に政党を拒否する層に対しては, 政党情報の提示は逆にDK率を有意に高める場合がある。これらの知見は, 日本では政党が意見表明の際の手がかりとしてはほとんど機能していないという, 有権者の中での 「政党の機能不全」 を示唆するものである。
著者
山本 圭
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.63, no.2, pp.2_267-2_287, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)
参考文献数
39

This paper aims to re - think the relationship between populism and democracy, and clarify that populism can hold some advantages for democratic societies. In order to do this I shall, first of all, make a survey of some arguments that have dealt with this relationship, and show that they face a difficult antinomy. I will then argue that the primary reason for this dilemma resides in “two strand theory” in the concept of modern democracy.   Secondly, this paper focuses on theories of “radical democracy” to indicate how and why recent democratic theories move closer to populism. After reviewing some representative theories of radical democracy, I shall pick up Ernesto Laclau's political theory on populism, as his thought provides an appropriate example of the encounter between democracy and populism. Finally, through these considerations, I will attempt to clarify “the democratic utilities of populism.”
著者
池内 恵
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.1, pp.1_189-1_214, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)

Ummah, religio-political community, has been imagined and reimagined throughout Islamic history. In this paper, recent development of the notion of Ummah in the Arab-Islamic political thought is analyzed. A voluminous work Call for the Global Islamic Resistance written by Abu Mus‘ab al-Suri, a theorist in the Jihadist circle, is cosidered as an important endeavor to reconstitute Ummah as a self-organizing entity. Al-Suri’s organizational theory conceptualizes de-centralized reconstruction of Global Jihad movement. In his view, Global Jihad is composed of voluntary and autonomous activities of small “Individual Jihad.” In dispersing Global Jihad into every corner of society, al-Suri’s theory envisions a worldwide Ummah incessantly constituted as the result of every Muslim's local act of each and individual resistance. Al-Suri’s optimistic view of the present state of Ummah, and particularly of its youths, as spontaneously rising to the call of Global Jihad poses a fundamental turn in the context of Jihadists’ trail of rejection of “Jahiliyya” and alienation from wider Muslim public.
著者
木下 真志
出版者
JAPANESE POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.1_109-1_142, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)
参考文献数
104

Recently, there are many articles with which SDPJ is dealt. The aim of this article is to investigate the formation process of the proposition “kouzou-kaikaku” (the reform plan of SDPJ) and to verify how the plan had held place in SDPJ at that moment. Especially I will focus on the rising and fall of the faction “Eda-Ha” which was represented by Eda Saburou (one of the influential reformers in SDPJ). It would have intended to reform SDPJ in large measure in 1960's. But in spite of its passion, the reform faced the various oppositions by the major (left) factions within SDPJ. As the consequence, Eda-Ha failed to reform SDPJ.   We can see many reasons why the theory “kouzou-kaikaku” has lost its position in SDPJ. Up to this time, it is said that the decline of Eda-Ha with the intention of the reform caused to the decline of SDPJ. I present other reason of the decline from the alternative points of view.   By doing so, I intend to contribute further development of the studies on SDPJ.

18 0 0 0 OA 崇高と政治理論

著者
小田川 大典
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.125-149,265, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)
参考文献数
34

In his later work, L'inhumaine: Causeries sur le temps (1988), Jean-François Lyotard advocated the aesthetic political theory under the influence of Edmund Burke's early writing, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1759), though little attention has been paid to this point so far. This paper is intended as the examination of Burke's physiological aesthetics of sublimity and Lyotard's postmodern theory of the sublime from the perspective of political philosophy. Indeed, they didn't preach Kantian moral principles, but claimed the necessity of cultivation of the ethical sensibility through the aesthetical experience of the sublime in their theories. We may go on from this to the conclusion that it is what Stephen White called “the sense of responsibility to otherness” and “the world-disclosing function of language” in his work, Political Theory and Postmodernism (1991) that Burke and Lyotard emphasized the importance of.
著者
境家 史郎
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
日本政治學會年報政治學 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.1, pp.1_236-1_255, 2013

In the late 1980s, Ikuo Kabashima empirically showed that uneducated voters in rural areas were more likely to participate in elections in postwar Japan unlike other developed democracies. He argued that this participation structure was the key to Japan's postwar super-stable party system and rapid economic growth with equality. This paper reexamines this well-known "political equality" thesis. The analysis of survey data covering the period from 1958 to 2009 shows that the participation structure shown by Kabashima existed only in the 1970s-80s or the golden age of the 1955 system. The study then explores why the structure changed in the 1990s comparing data from the 1980s and 2000s. The analysis suggests that rural political networks became weaker and the political efficacy of urban educated voters increased over the past 20 years, which resulted in rural voters' lower turnout and educated voters' higher turnout in recent elections.