著者
中澤 俊輔
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.1, pp.1_194-1_214, 2010 (Released:2016-02-24)

This article reconsiders the mean of the Peace Preservation Law in prewar Japan's era of party cabinets.   The Ministry of Interior (MI) took a passive attitude towards new Acts and applied existing laws against extreme thought. On the other hand, the Ministry of Justice (MJ) was more active in making new regulations because it needed a legal basis for thought control. Moreover, MI was close to Kensei-kai, as MJ with Seiyu-Kai. The KATO Taka'aki cabinet - Kensei-kai and Seiyu-kai were the Government parties - mediated between two ministries.   MI tightened its guard against overseas communists. Furthermore, Prime Minister KATO hoped to inhibit propaganda by means of the treaty between Japan and Soviet Russia rather than through domestic regulations. So, the Peace Preservation Law was enacted for punishing associations, especially communists. However, the limits of this Law were quickly exposed.   The first draft of the Bill would have allowed for the punishment of changing the parliamentary system, “Seitai”. However, political parties deleted this provision because they feared it might limit party activities.
著者
小宮 京
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.1, pp.1_319-1_339, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)

This article investigates the reform of Japanese Police System during 1945-55.   Most of the existing studies of Japanese Police System under the Allied Occupation rarely discuss local Police System. Our main focus in this article is the Osaka Metropolitan Police Department (OMPD) during 1949-1954.   In 1948, GHQ ordered the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department (TMPD) to adopt a patrol system on the model of the American system. TMPD refused the directive. Next, GHQ carried out the same directive to Eiji Suzuki, the chief of the Osaka City Municipal Police. Suzuki founded OMPD which had an American type of the patrol system. After the Allied Occupation, OMPD was abolished because it was faithful to GHQ directives. Thus, OMPD was reorganized to the Osaka Prefectural Police Department.   Japanese Police System returned to a highly centralized system as a result that most of the Police System reform under the Allied Occupation were denied.
著者
宮本 悟
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.56, no.2, pp.195-215,253, 2005 (Released:2010-04-30)

For a long time, a majority of people have thought that the military would attempt a coup d'etat in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea due to the widespread economic deterioration in the past, and the fact that the domestic economy has seen some recent improvement makes this event more unlikely at present.Why haven't a group of officers within the Korean People's Army attempted a coup d'etat? In this research, I provide three key reasons that explain why, even during three crisis periods involving major politico-military purges, this has not happened.Chiefly these were: entrenched clique competition in the military; the existence of an organization that can oppose the armed forces; and a systemic and purposeful division of the military. I have confirmed through this research that the system that has divided the military still exists in the army, a system controlled effectively by a senior commissar. Therefore, this research concludes that the possibility of a coup d'etat occurring is low even in the present D. P. R. K.

18 0 0 0 OA 崇高と政治理論

著者
小田川 大典
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.57, no.2, pp.125-149,265, 2006 (Released:2010-04-30)
参考文献数
34

In his later work, L'inhumaine: Causeries sur le temps (1988), Jean-François Lyotard advocated the aesthetic political theory under the influence of Edmund Burke's early writing, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1759), though little attention has been paid to this point so far. This paper is intended as the examination of Burke's physiological aesthetics of sublimity and Lyotard's postmodern theory of the sublime from the perspective of political philosophy. Indeed, they didn't preach Kantian moral principles, but claimed the necessity of cultivation of the ethical sensibility through the aesthetical experience of the sublime in their theories. We may go on from this to the conclusion that it is what Stephen White called “the sense of responsibility to otherness” and “the world-disclosing function of language” in his work, Political Theory and Postmodernism (1991) that Burke and Lyotard emphasized the importance of.
著者
田村 哲樹
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.1, pp.1_37-1_60, 2015 (Released:2018-06-10)
参考文献数
37

Scholars of politics have been familiar with normative-empirical distinction. Yet this article reconsiders this divide through exploring another classification in terms of the “observable” and the “unobservable”. According to this new classification, we can assume two types of politics research. Firstly, there are researches which are based on the positivist epistemology and, therefore, deal with the observable. In these cases, the cooperation between positivist, empirical analyses and the normative political philosophy focusing on moral values such as justice, equality and freedom would be feasible. Secondly, there are researches which are based on the non-positivist epistemologies including both interpretivism and realism, and, therefore, deal with the unobservable in some senses. In these cases, the cooperation between non-positivist empirical analyses and the “politics-political” political theory focusing on topics about the nature and the role of politics and the political would be feasible. Consequently, this article contends that we can rethink the existing distinction between the normative and the empirical in political science; the distance either between normative political philosophy and “politics-political” political theory or between positivist empirical analysis and non-positivist one might be farther than what is ordinarily drawn between normative political theory and empirical analysis.

14 0 0 0 OA 結社と民主政治

著者
早川 誠
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.1, pp.1_61-1_81, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)

The role of voluntary associations is a focus of current democratic theories including civil society argument, radical democracy, and deliberative democracy. Though it is certain that associations often perform democratic functions, they also disturb democracy by demanding narrow group interests, suppressing the opinions of group members, and lacking the interest in coordination and compromise. Whereas the associationalism developed in the United States depends on voluntary associations excessively; the one in the United Kingdom has been paying a close attention to the inadequacy of associational effects. The legacy of the pluralist theory of the state is especially important in this regard. Comparing two strands of associationalism, it is clear that something is necessary to strike an appropriate balance between the democratic and undemocratic functions of associations. The key to the problem is the new understanding of representative democracy. Contrary to the idea that associatiomalism will eventually replace the state-centered politics, a strong but flexible state which can accommodate and coordinate a variety of associations is required. Without taking such a state into consideration, associationalism would not be able to realize stabilized and impartial democratic politics.
著者
山本 圭
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.63, no.2, pp.2_267-2_287, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)
参考文献数
39

This paper aims to re - think the relationship between populism and democracy, and clarify that populism can hold some advantages for democratic societies. In order to do this I shall, first of all, make a survey of some arguments that have dealt with this relationship, and show that they face a difficult antinomy. I will then argue that the primary reason for this dilemma resides in “two strand theory” in the concept of modern democracy.   Secondly, this paper focuses on theories of “radical democracy” to indicate how and why recent democratic theories move closer to populism. After reviewing some representative theories of radical democracy, I shall pick up Ernesto Laclau's political theory on populism, as his thought provides an appropriate example of the encounter between democracy and populism. Finally, through these considerations, I will attempt to clarify “the democratic utilities of populism.”
著者
池内 恵
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.1, pp.1_189-1_214, 2013 (Released:2016-07-01)

Ummah, religio-political community, has been imagined and reimagined throughout Islamic history. In this paper, recent development of the notion of Ummah in the Arab-Islamic political thought is analyzed. A voluminous work Call for the Global Islamic Resistance written by Abu Mus‘ab al-Suri, a theorist in the Jihadist circle, is cosidered as an important endeavor to reconstitute Ummah as a self-organizing entity. Al-Suri’s organizational theory conceptualizes de-centralized reconstruction of Global Jihad movement. In his view, Global Jihad is composed of voluntary and autonomous activities of small “Individual Jihad.” In dispersing Global Jihad into every corner of society, al-Suri’s theory envisions a worldwide Ummah incessantly constituted as the result of every Muslim's local act of each and individual resistance. Al-Suri’s optimistic view of the present state of Ummah, and particularly of its youths, as spontaneously rising to the call of Global Jihad poses a fundamental turn in the context of Jihadists’ trail of rejection of “Jahiliyya” and alienation from wider Muslim public.
著者
奥 健太郎
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.63, no.2, pp.2_156-2_180, 2012 (Released:2016-02-24)

How do politicians achieve the profit of interest groups? This research is a case study analyzing the political process during which the Medical Diet Members (representatives who spoke for the interest of doctors) have succeeded in emasculating the law that provided the separation of medical practice and drug dispensation. The three viewpoints of the analysis are the following:   First, how did Kato Ryogoro (Liberal Party), who was the mediator of the Medical Diet Members, bring the Liberal party measures closer to the JMA? Secondly, what kinds of pressures or adjustments were observed between the JMA and the Medical Diet Members during the process of the emasculation of the law? Thirdly, how did the Medical Diet Members managed to form a majority including non - partisans in order to emasculate the law?

7 0 0 0 OA 法と暴力

著者
杉田 敦
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.2, pp.2_166-2_181, 2008 (Released:2012-12-28)
参考文献数
15

In the 1920's Germany, Waiter Benjamin probed into the conglutination of the law and violence, and expected for the so-called “pure violence” to transcend the coercive order depending on the law-violence. In response to this argument, Carl Schmitt tried to consolidate a system of the sovereignty where everything was to be solved within legal contexts, even in the state of emergency.   Giorgio Agamben has successfully elucidated this “polemic” between the two thinkers. But his argument that the state of emergency has already been normalized may lead to an expectation of an escape from the present situation, like in the theory of Benjamin.   In the 60's, in his theory on partisans, Schmitt warned about the risk of the erosion of a legal system by the “irregularity” of partisans. But Hannah Arendt's beloved “space of appearance” is actually rather similar to the “space of irregularity” of partisans. Seen in this way; the seriously dissenting thinkers coincide in setting a boundary between a desirable realm and an undesirable realm.   However, this kind of boundary setting may not be necessary for the politics. What is needed is a continuous and endless negotiation between the dichotomous categories.
著者
木村 正俊
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.2_50-2_69, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)

Between the 1950s and 1970s the world politics was dominated by revolutionary movements in the Third World and the hero of the age was Che Guevara. The Palestinian liberation movement emerged in that era. This article analyzes the evolution and devolution of the Palestinian liberation movement by regarding it as one of the revolutionary movements in the Third World.   After discussing general arguments over revolutions in the World Politics, this article treats the development of the Palestinian liberation movement and the change in its attitude toward armed struggle. Armed struggle by the Palestinian national movement and regional politics in the Middle East influenced each other. Armed struggle by Palestinian guerrilla groups stimulated the 1967 War, which resulted in changes in their attitude toward armed struggle and the shift in the agent of liberation.   The Palestinian Revolution encouraged the Lebanese Civil War. The coalition group between the Palestinian liberation movement and Lebanese progressive groups was opposed to the Lebanese conservative groups. The 1982 War had a crucial effect on the fate of the Palestinian Revolution.
著者
古賀 光生
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.60, no.2, pp.2_246-2_268, 2009 (Released:2013-02-07)
参考文献数
31

Clientelism affects strategies of extreme right-wing parties (ERPs) in Western Europe. In 1990s, more and more people criticized clientelisitic exchanges than before. Some ERPs could find ‘niche’ in electoral market where voters who disliked mainstream parties because of clientelism existed. But how ERPs mobilized was very different between parties. This article compares electoral market in three European countries where clientelism widely spread and analyzes how clietelism affected ERPs’ strategies. In Belgium, clietelism had endurance in spite of critics. In Italy, clientelism so suddenly broke down, that ERPs must change their strategies. In Austria, mainstream parties gradually privatized nation-owned industries which were major resources of clientelism. These differences influenced electoral market which ERPs could get into. With this comparison, we can see how ERPs adjust themselves to the ‘niche’ in electoral market, and why some parties like Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) could formed the electoral coalition between “modernization losers” and “social climbers”.
著者
山田 真裕
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.2, pp.2_52-2_69, 2011 (Released:2016-02-24)
参考文献数
13

This paper is a case study of organizational transformation in a prefectural party unit of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Ibaraki prefecture was one of the bulwarks of LDP dominance and the prefectural organization (“kenren”) had been proud of own strength. But, at the defeat in the 2009 gubernatorial election, many conservative local politician and interest organizations were against the “kenren” and supported the incumbent governor, Masaru Hashimoto, and let him win. The defeat broke the previous regime at the “kenren”, and the Ibaraki-kenren was forced to rebuild its organization and to try transforming itself from being a prefectural member-centered organization to becoming a more inclusive organization.   The purpose of this article analyzes the process of the gubernatorial defeat and the organizational reformation in the kenren following that defeat, to claim the necessity of further accumulation of analysis about local organizations of political parties, not only from perspective of national level confrontation among parties, but also local conflict among local politicians and interest organizationswith a peculiar dynamism.
著者
岸見 太一
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.64, no.2, pp.2_252-2_273, 2013 (Released:2017-02-01)
参考文献数
57

In this article, I reconsider legitimacy of selective immigration policy from the standpoint of political philosophy. Today states have unilateral discretion over entry policy, therefore prospective immigrants have no voice in the policy making process. However, legitimacy of those policy practices partly depends on underlying normative reasons. By focusing on individual liberty, I indicate the policy practice is illegitimate.   The issue of legitimacy of selective immigration is concerned with “democracy's boundary problem,” that is, of deciding who should be included in the democratic decision procedure. In this article, I take the lawful coercion approach to this problem among others. There is some disagreement within this approach: Thomas Nagel and David Miller argue that the current policy practices are legitimate and on the other hand, Arash Abizadeh argues that they are not. Their debates apparently focus on the conceptions of “coercion”. However, “liberty” is actually the key to their arguments. In this connection, the present article proceeds as follows: firstly I try to reconstruct their arguments by introducing two conceptions of liberty, freedom as option-availability and freedom as independence. Secondly, I critically examine these theorists and argue for Abizadeh. Finally, I briefly show the policy implications of Abizadeh's position.
著者
半沢 孝麿
出版者
日本政治学会
雑誌
年報政治学 (ISSN:05494192)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.16, pp.204-250,en5, 1965-11-25 (Released:2009-12-21)

Anyone who takes a glance over the whole history of Burke studies from his death up to the present should certainly be struck at various and sometimes mutually inconsistent interpretations. We now have many Burkes, such as great statesman Burke, romantist Burke, utilitarian Burke, democrat Burke, Burke the prophet of Conservatism, Burke the natural law theorist in Thomistic tradition and so forth.The writer thinks, however, all such Burkes come from quite the same premise; the premise that we can have a political philosopher Burke free from theoretical contradictions. This article argues that it is necessary to change such a premise.The writer does not wish to describe what political philosophy Burke advocates. All that the article wishes to make clear is how he recognized the nature of the world of politics, through the inspection of his whole treatises and letters before and after 1765. At the same time, since Burke is not only an ordinary politician but also a literary man fond of talking about history and literary criticism (especially before his entrance into Parliament in 1765), the writer also tries to draw some parallelism among his ideas of political, aesthetic and historical knowledges.First. Burke's basic view on historical and aesthetic world is very near to that of his contemporary Hume. He is agnostic of the essential existence. He tries to secure the certainty of his knowledges through reducing every sensible object to the utmost of its simplicity. But, notwithstanding that method, he always has a desire, consciously or unconsciously, to know the world in the wholeness. Hence method and desire contradict each other. The result is that, for instance, his idea of the “necessity” of historical world is divided into two in its meaning; one, the necessity of mechanism composed of cognitive elements, and the other, that of transcendental will of the doers.Second. Of politics; The letters in his earlier life in Parliament show that he strongly feels that the room for choice in politics is very small to him. Very important to the writer is the fact that he extends the conclusion derived from this personal experience to the idea of the world of politics in general and says that the nature of politics is also a mechanistic necessity. Since, for instance, he sees the theory of Lockian social contract not from the side of free choice of régime by its members, but from the side of irreversibility of the state of nature, or inconveniences of the dissolution of governments.But, if it be true that the method of analysation into the ultimate elements is the only systematic way to know the nature of political world, is it also true that this nature is necessarily a mechanistic necessity? Firstly, the element of the “spirit (or temper) of people” which he often mentions always lacks concreteness in its contents. Secondly, the element of “Burke himself” is also uncertain, because, according to him, the knowledge of himself is always post facto. Thus, it is no wonder that he was “never forward in his speculation” in practical affairs.However, Burke is a flexible thinker. Through the difficulties of his party and himself at the time of the American Revolution, he gradually modifies his earlier ideas on the nature of politics, and the result appears before 1782 in the following ways. Firstly, his letters in 1778 addressed to his intimate friends emphasize the importance of the unity of his party members and the consistency of the principle. The aim is to secure the firmness of leadership in politics. This firmness will produce the cognitive element. Secondly, the same letters insist upon the necessity of “identifying with” and “inclining towards” the spirit of people as such. This assertion means that we ought to know the indefinite “elements” in politics as indefinite.