著者
森脇 俊雅
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.58, no.1, pp.344-321, 2007-04

The purpose of this paper is to explore the power relationship between mayor and local assembly in pre-war Japan. It is often said that mayor is more powerful than local assembly in contemporary Japan. However, it had been said that local assembly was more powerful than mayor in pre-war Japan. Why local assembly was so dominant in pre-war Japan? This paper attempts to explain the relationship by studying the selection process, term and background of mayor. 1 The Purpose of This Paper 2 Local Government System of Pre-war Japan 3 Selection of Mayor 4 Governors and Mayors of 6 Prefectures in Kinki Area 5 National Trends 6 The Cases of Conflict between Mayor and Local Assembly 7 Conclusion
著者
森脇 俊雅
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.30, no.3, pp.313-343, 1980-02-29

I Introduction II Analytical Framework for Exit-Voice Approach III Its Applications to Political Problems 1. Regional Problems 2. Party Competition 3. State IV Conclusion
著者
森脇 俊雅
出版者
Japanese Association of Electoral Studies
雑誌
選挙研究 (ISSN:09123512)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.23, pp.82-90,213, 2008-02-28 (Released:2011-05-20)

「平成の大合併」により自治体数は激減し, それに伴い議会数も大幅に減少するとともに議員数も削減された。合併は地方議会活動にも大きな影響を与えている。本論文は合併が地方議会や議員の活動にどのような影響を及ぼしたのかについての議員アンケート調査結果を分析したものである。まず,「平成の大合併」の先駆といわれる兵庫県多紀郡4町合併によって成立した篠山市議会議員に対して2000年4月に実施したアンケート調査結果の分析を行い, つづいて2006年11月に実施した近畿地方2府4県の31合併議会議員に対するアンケート調査結果の分析を行った。これらの調査結果から, 議員たちは合併自体については肯定的であるものの, 合併の評価については厳しい見方をしていること, 合併後の議会についての評価も低いことがわかった。
著者
森脇 俊雅
出版者
関西学院大学
雑誌
法と政治 (ISSN:02880709)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.36, no.2, pp.201-240, 1985-06-20

Introduction I. What Is Collective Action Problem? II. Discussions of Collective Action Problem (1) Political Entrepreneur (2) Game Theoretic Analysis (3) Some Criticisms III. Political Implications of Collective Action Problem
著者
森脇 俊雅
出版者
Japanese Association of Electoral Studies
雑誌
選挙研究 (ISSN:09123512)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.9, pp.40-52,139, 1994

Since the end of September in 1992 Amagasaki city council had been severely criticized by citizen groups due to the council members' mismanagement on their official observation trips to other cities in the past. At that time the council members denied their wrong doings and attempted to hide their official records on the trips despite citizen's strong request. Citizen groups accused them and required them to make all the records public. A neutral, independent and special investigation committee was organized in the end of January, 1993. This committee intensively investigated the records and interviewed individual council members in the spring. Finally the committee concluded most of their reports on the trips were false and inappropriate. Then, the committee suggested council members should return the money and resign from the council.<br>At first, the council members resisted resignation, but were forced to dissolve before overwhelming criticism on May 25. New council members were elected on June 27. In this election almost half of the former members were forced to retire from the council. Then, two-thirds of the city council were new members. The number of women doubled. The members from new party and citizen movements increased. Thus Amagasaki city council drastically changed after the election. The new city council organized subcommittee for reform and began to make reform plans. Now, traditional style of politics or the so-called boss control disappeared. New democratic politics has jnst started in Amagasaki city council.<br>The process and activities in Amagasaki were similar to the tide of national politics in recent Japan. In other words, Amagasaki city council election in 1993 was a harbinger of the drastic change of Japanese politics in the summer of 1993. More important is that this structural change was brought by citizens' participation.