著者

難波 功士

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

no.101, pp.161-168, 2006-10

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The term 'subculture' has been used with many different meanings. Especially in Japanese, the loan word 'sabukaru (tya)' has been used in various ways. It has ordinarily referred to works, such as popular music, comics, animation films, programmes or magazines for the youth, video-games, and the latest fashions. Using Raymond William's definition that culture is a whole way of life, subcultures means a subset of practices in each society. From the point of view what culture was supposed to be against the term 'sub-' culture, I try to classify the uses of subculture into four groups. 1) Subculture as an antonym of high culture, i.e. subculture as low culture. 2) Subculture as an antonym of total culture, i.e. subculture as partial culture. 3) Subculture as an antonym of main or dominant culture, i.e. subculture as alternative or counter culture. 4) Subculture as an antonym of conventional culture. I have chosen the last definition. I think when a certain subculture emerges, conventional culture, which is opposed to the subculture, makes its appearance a posteriori. Not until a certain subculture emerges and it reflects an aspect of our social conventions, are we aware of some "taken-for-granted-ness" which all of us hold in our everyday life. And furthermore, now we are living in a world where we cannot easily assume a definite high, total, or main culture. Therefore, we should not reify any high, total, or main culture a priori.

著者

難波 功士

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.78, pp.71-84, 1997-10

著者

難波 功士

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

no.99, pp.131-153, 2005

---

In 1983, a writer called young people 'otaku' (later, he used the word 'otaku-zoku'). They were absorbed in animation, manga, idols, personal computers, sci-fi, and so on. They and their companions called each other 'otaku' as well. They were only interested in others' knowledge about their common hobbies. Their communication style was mutually one-way and their life-style was like a hermit because of their commitment to favorite objects or subject matter. In 1989, one of them, a young man named 'Tsutomu Miyazaki', committed serial murders of little girls. So, otaku-zoku caused moral panic in Japanese society and they were labeled as sexual perverts. At first, there were many female-otaku. However, after the murder case, otaku (-zoku) began to mean young men who were withdrawn in their room, absorbed in various media, uninteresting in their appearance, and disconnected with other people, especially adult women. The word 'otaku' had negative image. But, in the 1990s, the sales of some subject matter which had been loved by otaku (-zoku) began to increase exponentially all over the world. Such otaku-related business became the most promising industry in Japan. So the implication of otaku changed. In the first half of the 1990s, a genre of music called 'Shibuya-kei' was born. In those days, in the Shibuya area, several mega record stores were launched, and many imported record stores, clubs, offices of independent record labels and editorial rooms of free papers or magazines about music began to be concentrated there. One of the mega record stores set up a corner of 'Shibuya-kei' CDs. By definition, Shibuya-kei means a type of music which was popular in Shibuya. Shibuya-kei musicians went to the Shibuya area to collect records, to play as DJs, or to spend time with companions at clubs. They composed music extracting elements from old and rare music sources and newly arranging them at will. In a sense, they can be called 'Ongaku-otakus (music freaks)'. Those musicians were also leaders of fashion, visual culture, and life style taste for their adoring fans, who usually dressed in French casuals. At the same time, otaku began to be called 'Akiba-kei', named after the Akihabara area, where many shops for otaku people, e.g. personal computer, video game, fanzine, female figures, and animation video, could be found. Akiba-kei (a.k.a otaku-zoku or otakukei) and Shibuya-kei had some common characteristics. They had media-oriented lifestyles, relatively wealthy backgrounds, and uni-sex feelings. These points suggest that the focus of youth subcultures from the 1980s to the 1990s was gradually centered on the media and the taste for them.

著者

難波 功士 Koji Namba

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

no.81, pp.195-209, 1998-10-30

著者

難波 功士

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, pp.41-56, 193, 2004-10-28

---

'Futen-zoku (The Vagabond Tribe)' emerged in the summer of 1967. They gathered the small park in front of the east gate of Shinjuku station. They called it 'Green House'. In the 1960s, Shinjuku was the hottest venue for the youth and there were many spots where events of avant-garde, underground or alternative culture were occurred and performed. Futen-zoku stayed there without doing anything all day long and sometime they indulged themselves in using drugs or chemicals, e. g. thinner, glue and sleeping pill. They wore eccentric clothing. The mass media took them up in a 'moral panic', because of their license, idleness and neglect of orthodox gender roles. However, they didn't have any firm belief or cause or their own media. So, they disappeared the following year and their subcultural values were taken over by other youth subcultures. Futen-zoku belonged to Dankai-no-Sedai (the Japanese Babyboomer generation), and their social class backgrounds were not so low. 'Annon-Zoku' (whose members intensively read the women's magazines, "an・an" and "non・no") was born in 1972. It was the first youth subculture of which members were mainly young women. Led by articles of those magazines, they took trips to historic cities (Kyoto, Kamakura etc.), scenic locales (Karuizawa, Hokkaido etc.) or exotic towns where Western people have lived since olden times (Nagasaki, Kobe etc.). They were usually college students or office workers (OL, in Japanese). So, their social class backgrounds were also not so low, and they belonged to the Dankai or post-Dankai generation. In the early 1970s, a girl from middle or upper class family wasn't permitted to take a trip by herself yet. 'Annon-Zoku' did not represent deviance, but created certain 'gender trouble' under the circumstances of the 1970s. They were sneered at because of their uniformity or vulnerability to the influence of the media. However, they reflected the atmosphere of the 'Women's Lib' period, too. These two youth subcultures were considered to be consumption-oriented or superfluities of affluent society. However, they were important as the heralds of youth culture in the 1980s and 1990s.

著者

難波 功士

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

no.70, pp.29-39, 2007-01-30

---

The term 'subculture' has been used with many different meanings. From the point of view what culture was supposed to be against the term 'sub-'culture, I try to classify the uses of subculture into three groups. 1) Subculture as an antonym of high culture, in this case, subculture mainly related to massmedia. 2) Subculture as an antonym of total culture, in this case, subculture mainly related to segmented media. 3) Subculture as an antonym of main or dominant culture, in this case, subculture mainly related to alternative media. Based on the typology, I try to survey recent treatises or books on 'media and subculture'.

著者

難波 功士 Koji Nanba

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

no.99, pp.131-153, 2005-11-08

著者

難波 功士 Koji Nanba

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

no.98, pp.107-116, 2005-03-15

著者

難波 功士 Koji Namba

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

no.101, pp.161-168, 2006-10-30

著者

難波 功士

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.95, pp.217-225, 2003-10-28

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In British society, class culture still has not lost its significance, whereas matters of gender, ethnicity and generation are becoming relatively more important. In particular, working class culture has maintained its vitality and many people are proud of their sense of belonging to the culture, though heavy or mining industries have declined. In this note, I survey recent studies concerning working class culture and derive three points as follows. Firstly, now class is not only an issue of production but also one of consumption or taste. As a result, many people construct themselves at will as members of the working class, though in some cases they are white collars workers or students. Although some manual workers earn more money than office workers or teachers, they recognize themselves as working class. Secondly, the representations of working class cultures in films or TV dramas revitalize and reconstruct them. Lastly, now the barrier of gender becomes lower, even in working class culture, so lasses or 'laddette' culture has emerged as the counterpart of lads culture, which means masculine working-class men's culture. In conclusion, whereas the aspect of 'class in itself is decreasing now, the aspect of 'class for itself is increasing. So, in British society class cultures will be alive for a while.

著者

難波 功士

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, pp.163-178, 307, 2004-03-25

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"Taiyo-zoku (The Sun Tribe)' was the first major youth subculture in postwar era Japan. It was named after a novel "Taiyo-no-kisetsu (The Season of the Sun)" written by Ishihara Shintaro in 1955 and made into a movie in 1956. The novel and movie depicted the lifestyle of bourgeois or middle class young people. In the same year, many Taiyo-zoku movies were released and Shintaro's younger brother, Ishihara Yujiro, became one of the most popular movie stars. Many young people were influenced by Yujiro's style. Later, in 1964, many male high teens gathered, chatted and tried to pick up girls around the Ginza Miyuki street corner in Tokyo. They were called the 'Miyuki-zoku'. Their clothes were a collage of Ivy Leaguers' fashion or European suit styles. Their fashion and behavior were boosted by "Heibon Punch", which was started as a young men's magazine, in particular for "The Dankai Generation" a. k. a. the Japanese baby boomers. None of these zokus were long-lived. But they were not peripheral phenomena, because they reflected some important points of Japanese society in those days. Firstly, they symbolized the transition of a major factor of youth subculture, from class to generation. Secondly, they suggested the change of a major role of youth subculture, from Tokyo-born young to Tokyo-goers. Finally, they reveal the change in fashion trend-setting, from trickle-down to bubble-up. The former means that fashion trends are spread from the upper class to lower class. The latter means that trends are born in the street and then the fashion industry picks them up. In spite of these changes, those two zoku were malecentered. Even among young people, a new view of gender did not appear until the late'60s.

著者

難波 功士 Koji Nanba

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

no.99, pp.131-153, 2005-11-08

著者

難波 功士

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.97, pp.141-148, 200, 2004-10-28

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Before the 1960s, in Japanese society young people were usually called 'Seinen'. But, from the 1970s they have been usually called 'Wakamono'. In this paper, I intended to describe the changes of names for the young and think about why such changes happened. My findings include three points. 1) In the 1960s, Youth Culture (Wakamono-Bunka) spread all over the world and in Japan adolescent culture (Seinen-Bunka) was taken over by Wakamono-Bunka which was more anti-authoritarian and hedonistic. 2) In the 1970s, Youth Culture was diluted and diffused. It became more docile and consumption-oriented. As it were, Youth Culture as a unique noun was transformed into youth culture as a common noun. In Japan the youth who liked such youth culture were called 'Yangu' and their personalities were considered more realistic and privatismic. 3) In the 1980s, in Japan the youth had begun to be called 'Shin-Jinrui', which means 'new type of human being'. They were familiar with various media and didn't have the consciousness of belonging to the same age group or generation. They were fragmented into many cliques depending on their interest and taste. Through these processes, Seinen (-Bunka) became a dead word, and simultaneously Youth Culture (Wakamono-Bunka) lost its original ideas linked to a certain generation and period.

著者

難波 功士 Koji Nanba

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

no.98, pp.43-67, 2005-03-15

著者

難波 功士

出版者

日本マス・コミュニケーション学会

雑誌

マス・コミュニケーション研究 (ISSN:13411306)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.70, pp.29-39, 2007-01-30 (Released:2017-10-06)

参考文献数

18

---

The term 'subculture' has been used with many different meanings. From the point of view what culture was supposed to be against the term 'sub-'culture, I try to classify the uses of subculture into three groups. 1) Subculture as an antonym of high culture, in this case, subculture mainly related to massmedia. 2) Subculture as an antonym of total culture, in this case, subculture mainly related to segmented media. 3) Subculture as an antonym of main or dominant culture, in this case, subculture mainly related to alternative media. Based on the typology, I try to survey recent treatises or books on 'media and subculture'.

著者

難波 功士 Koji Namba

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

no.97, pp.41-56, 2004-10-28

著者

難波 功士

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, pp.101-132, 2006-03-15

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In the 1990s, a certain type of highschool girl was called 'Ko-gal'. They were the center of attention during this decade. They were identified as wearing remodeled school uniforms, in particular 'cho mini(-skirts)' and lloose(-socks)', had sun tanned skin, and dyed their hair. Furthermore, they were considered to loiter on street corners or at fast-food shops in the Shibuya area with their friends all night long. The mass media, especially magazines for adult men, represented them as being easy to love and sometimes prostituting themselves. While the mass media bashed them, micro- or niche media, such as pagers, mobile-phones, Pri-kura, and several magazines featuring them, were frequently used to connect them with each other. They had their counter-part 'Gal-o', who always paid attention to be loved by (Ko-)gals. If it couldn't be regarded as drastic gender confusion, at least, the Kogal phenomena caused a gender panic. In contrast, during the 1990s, young men didn't have any movement of their own. With the exception of some shopowners in the ura-Harajuku area, who as gurus of style and taste of life, influenced a certain type of young people who didn't like to wear popular clothes favored by the majority. Such gurus created or selected clothes, shoes and accessories basically for men, collected their favorite things, and recommended some records, books and various goods through micro- or niche media and word-of-mouth communication, as Ko-gals did. They were influenced by youth sub-cultures in the USA and in the UK, i.e. hip-hop, biker, surfer, skater, punk etc. It seems that they attempted to reconstruct masculinity in the new era as non-white-collar heroes. A certain type of young girl shared their taste as well.

著者

難波 功士

出版者

社会学研究会

雑誌

ソシオロジ (ISSN:05841380)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.64, no.1, pp.128-130, 2019-06-01 (Released:2022-04-07)

参考文献数

2

著者

難波 功士

出版者

関西学院大学

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

no.80, pp.37-52, 1998-03

著者

難波 功士 Koji Namba

雑誌

関西学院大学社会学部紀要 (ISSN:04529456)

巻号頁・発行日

no.104, pp.89-95, 2008-03-14