著者

藤川 隆男

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.17, pp.5-10, 2005-03-25 (Released:2017-05-10)

著者

津田 博司

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.129-132, 2007-03-25

著者

山内 由理子

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, pp.132-135, 2009-03-20 (Released:2017-05-10)

著者

川端 浩平

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

no.24, pp.72-88, 2011-03-20

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Gesturing towards the possibility of an alternative area studies, this paper focuses on the genealogy of criticism of Nihonjinron, or theories of 'Japaneseness,' which emerged in the context of 'Australian-style Japanese Studies' in the late 1970s. Hundreds of texts fitting the Nihonjinron category were written by Japanese and foreign specialists on Japan, both in Japanese and English. Usually, such texts argued for and emphasized the uniqueness of Japanese society. In particular after the rise of the Japanese economy in the late 1970s, these texts often tried to explain the uniqueness of Japanese society as underlying its economic 'miracle' in nationalistic tones, while Japanese scholars who obtained their Ph.D.s overseas critiqued such trends. In this paper, I focus on the works of 'border-crossing intellectuals' such as Sugimoto Yoshio, Yoshino Kosaku, and Iwabuchi Koichi. Focusing upon such figures, I argue that their specific scholarly initiatives were centered around Australia, and were directed against the conventional Japanese Studies established in the United States within the context of post-war Japan-US relations. They were also critical of the idea of modernity which underlies Japanese Studies in the United States, and self-reflexive in their attempt to formulate alternative images of Japan. However, we can still observe exclusivist nationalism involving ethnocentric interpretations of Japanese culture in today's Japan. This cultural essentialism is derived from a certain understanding of area studies, and functions as a logic calling for the elimination of ethnic minorities today. Such exclusivist movements and ideologies are deployed by a fearful majority who can no longer recognize themselves as members of the Japanese middle class amid a situation of rapid globalization. This seems to indicate that we need alternative ways to understand localness. Based on the efforts of the border-crossing intellectuals mentioned above, I would like to seek an alternative mode of depicting 'areas' by deploying the idea of 'liquid area studies' advocated by Tessa Morris-Suzuki. This concept does not try to grasp areas and their cultures as something essential and solid, but rather focuses on how areas are constructed by the flows of global economic, political, and social power. From such a perspective, and in order to develop an alternative view of areas, this paper focuses on local minorities, which are often excluded in the process of constructing local identities.

著者

保苅 実

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.12, pp.48-61, 1999-12-25 (Released:2017-05-10)

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Learning from an Aboriginal historian's story-telling, this paper aims to explore the reality' of Australian Aboriginal past. Drawing upon field research with the Gurindji people of Daguragu, Northern Territory, the study explores ways of presenting and interpreting Aboriginal historians' teachings. It explore how we can use the Aboriginal method of historical interpretation. The paper is based on story of the origins of Europeans as told to me by Jimmy Mangayarri of the Daguragu.According to the Gurindj i people, the first European was Jacky Pantamarra. He came out from monkey' and bred white people in England. Jacky Pantamarra wrote a book/law for Europeans that contained a lot of `silly ideas'. He claimed Australia as his country and commanded Captain Cook to invade it and kill the Aboriginal people.The question is: how can non-Aboriginal people share the reality of this mysterious story of Jacky Pantamarra with the Gurindji historians? We need to investigate the distance and relation between the Gurindji analysis of Australian history and the academic way of historical interpretation. The paper emphatically rejects the idea that academic historians know the `right history' and that Aboriginal people are telling the wrong history'.Two forms of examination are required: translation and interpretation. Firstly, this study attempts to translate their history' into our history' by discussing the historicity' of the story of Jacky Pantamarra.Evolutionary theory, Dutch explorers, dingo/crocodile hunters as well as racial separatism in cattle stations are considered the `historical background' of Jacky Pantamarra. Secondly, the paper interprets their history' within their own cultural modes of practice. Aboriginal historians' narratives are framed according to the logic of their own ontology and cosmology, or their `time-space concept of Dreaming'.The story of Jacky Pantamarra is based on Aboriginal concepts of time', space' and `morality' Without learning those, academic historians can never understand the Gurindji analysis of Australian colonisation.The lesson is that academic historians should be humble'. The academic historical interpretation cannot monopolise the Australian past. Instead of declaring the authenticity of academia's interpretation of Aboriginal/Australian history, we should start learning alternative ways of historical interpretation from Aboriginal historians. Aboriginal oral history should not be used as a supplementary source for the academic history', but should be understood within their history.

著者

保苅 実

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.15, pp.65-80, 2003-03-25 (Released:2017-05-10)

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Australian Declaration Towards Reconciliation (2000) emphasises the importance for 'all Australians' to learn 'our shared histories', and states 'our hope is for a united Australia'. Therefore, it is clear that the purpose of reconciliation initiated by the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation is reimagining the 'united' nation-state of Australia. This paper calls such a style of reconciliation 'closed reconciliation', in which the global implications of Australian colonialism are largely ignored. If a closed reconciliation process promotes a united Australia, how, for example, can Asian immigrants (who have been victims of white racism) share histories of British invasion with mainstream white Australians? Instead, it is suggested that reconciliation should promote a 'divided Australia and beyond' by exploring different people's perspectives and memories and the implications of the colonisation of Australia. Thus, this article calls for 'open reconciliation' which seeks to de-nationalise Aboriginal reconciliation by articulating histories of Asian migrants and Australian Indigenous people. As a case study, this paper examines pre-war Japanese immigrants who worked for the Pearl-Shell industry in northern Australia. Previous studies on Aboriginal-Japanese relations in this industry often emphasised the peaceful working relationship between the two ethnic groups by contrasting them with the empowered racist authority of white Australians. Such a view may promote and celebrate histories of multicultural Australia. However, what is lacking in this type of narrative is the obvious fact that Japanese workers were also colonisers and racists towards indigenous people. Although careful and substantive research needs to be done in future, this paper briefly explores two aspects of possible colonial exploitations by Japanese labour migrants: economic exploitation of Aboriginal land and marine resources, and sexual exploitation of Aboriginal women. In short, the Japanese should not be left outside the process of Aboriginal reconciliation. In order to explore the ways of conceptualising global responsibility for Australian colonialism, Tessa Morris-Suzuki's conception of 'implications' is worth considering. Morris-Suzuki suggests we may not be responsible for colonial invasion itself, but we are responsible for historical implications in which we receive benefits from the past (and present) exploitation of Aboriginal people and their land. In this context, it is strongly suggested that Aboriginal reconciliation crosses national boundaries.

著者

藤田 智子

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.16-31, 2016 (Released:2017-04-28)

参考文献数

50

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The Australian Government has repeatedly restructured its social policy since the 1980s, making welfare payments conditional and increasing work incentives. This welfare reform, influenced heavily by neoliberalism, has been legitimised by the problematisation of“ welfare dependency,” emphasising the obligations and the responsibilities of welfare recipients. The Howard Coalition Government in particular promoted an insistent neoliberal turn in social policies, asserting the importance of a social welfare system encouraging“ responsible behaviour.” In 2007, the Government introduced a measure called“ income management” or“ welfare quarantining” which linked welfare payments to the“ socially responsible behaviour” of parents. Income management was taken over by the Rudd-Gillard Labor Government, and eventually by the Abbott Coalition Government, and has been a prominent feature of welfare reform, indicating the importance of analysing income management in the context of welfare reform from the perspective of parenthood. This paper analyses the policy process of income management and the logic that has supported it to consider the issue of neoliberal welfare reform and social inclusion/exclusion. Income management, introduced by the Howard Government as a part of the Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER), was actually a scheme to advance welfare reforms based on the principle of“ mutual obligation” by urging parents to show responsibility for the care and education of their children. While supporting the NTER and echoing the Howard Government’s arguments on parental responsibility, the Rudd and Gillard Governments more obviously referred to income management as a significant welfare reform scheme and broadened its application. In that whole process, welfare dependency and its intergenerational cycle have been problematised, and individuals“ depending on welfare” have been referred to as“ bad parents” who behave“ against normal community standards.” Parenthood has been the core element of this welfare reform by connecting normative parental behaviour with provision of welfare payments and thus making parents subject to intervention. Furthermore, attributes such as Aboriginality, class, age and family type have had a close relationship with representation of welfare recipients as“ bad parents.” Whereas income management intends to encourage welfare recipients to achieve social inclusion, this very process excludes them from social citizenship by referring to vague norms of parenthood.

著者

津田 博司

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.29, pp.76-87, 2016 (Released:2017-04-28)

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The aim of this essay is to locate the ongoing resurgence of Anzac Day in the context of neoliberalist culture since the late 1980s. Approaching to the centenary years of the First World War, the Anzac tradition is capturing the interests as a subject of historical studies. Some historians argue the narrative surrounding Anzac Day works as a‘ civil religion’ to substitute Christianity in the secular, multicultural society, while others criticise the growing nationalistic attachment to the Anzac legend, allegedly promoted under the Howard government, as the‘ militarisation’ of Australian history. This essay focuses on the bipartisan social consciousness to use the Anzac myth as a source of national unity, with the rise of neo-liberalism from the Hawke labor government to the Abbott liberal government. The discursive shifts concerning Anzac Day over the last three decades demonstrate how the representation of history has been inclined to be more inclusive in terms of generation, ethnicity and cultural backgrounds. Various agents of memory, such as politicians, ex-servicemen, or academic historians, participate in constructing the cohesive memory which would incorporate non-Anglo-Celtic minorities in the diverse population including indigenous Australians. This apparently harmonious process of myth-making, however, came as a psychological retreat from the confronting debate on colonisation and the‘ frontier wars’. In some cases, the emphasis on the indigenous war service offers a symbolic‘ reconciliation’ through the Anzac tradition. That fits the political correctness in the multicultural society and mediates the fragile sense of community under neo-liberalism. But, as shown in the protest on Anzac Day in Canberra, the incorporation of indigenous history into the dominant nationalist narrative is still problematic and traumatic. In this sense, the recent revival of Anzac Day symbolises the ambivalent attitude to history and national unity in Australia.

著者

鈴木 顕介

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

no.7, pp.1-12, 1996-01-25

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Against the background of an urban population explosion resulting from the Industrialization and the Enclosure, big cities in 18th century Britain, especially London, faced an increasing number of criminals. The British government decided to establish a penal colony in Australia in 1786. There have been several interpretations and hypotheses analysing the motive of this decision ; A subject of great controversy among historians in Australia. The intention of this paper is to analyse the motive behind the establishment of the Colony in New South Wales. Using the record of the trial of some First Fleet covicts written by John Cobley under the title of "THE CRIME OF THE FIRST FLEET CONVICTS" together with the documents of the British government, the paper asserts that the motive was to banish the criminal factor from Great Britain and to set up a self-sufficient colony which would be able to accommodate further number criminals. A thorough study of the trial record and the process of the decision making by the government indicated that no adequate preparation had been made for the establishment of the colony. No feasibility study had been ordered and the government relied solely on the report of Captain James Cook who anchored in Botany Bay where the First fleet intended to build the base. The only concern of the government was to send young convicts, especially young female. The proportion of female convicts in the First Fleet was about 25%, which was higher by about 10% than that of all the convicts sent during the time of transportation. In the First fleet about 66% of the women were with the record of age, but only 25% of the men were with it. At the same time women convicts between 16 and 25 years old reached 49%. Almost 40 % of the women convicts' trials Started after the government's decision to establish the colony. These clearly indicate that the government tried to send as many young women convicts as possible. Also "THE HEAD OF A PLAN", one of just a few official documents surviving today, states that without a sufficient proportion of that sex (women) it is well-known that it would be impossible to preserve the settlement from gross irregularity and disorders. Furthermore, the plan intended to convey to the new settlement a further number of women from the Friendly Islands and New Caledonia. In view of these facts it is fair to conclude that the British government's objective was to have convicts settle in Australia even after the expiration of their transportation. To that end marriage would be an ideal way to get them to stay in the colony.

著者

保苅 実

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.8, pp.14-28, 1996-12-25 (Released:2017-05-10)

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Today it is well known that there is disagreement between the 'oppositionalists' and the 'accommodationists' concerning viewpoints of Aboriginal history. This thesis aims to integrate these different standpoints. In 1966, the Gurindji people, who had been working at Wave Hill Station in north-western NT, walked off the station and initiated a strike for better working conditions. Even though the world human rights movement was an external condition, Gurindji's internal factors that led to the decision to strike can't be understood without studying their social and economic history. Examining this is the aim of this paper. Investigating the continuance, transition and crisis of Gurindji tribal autonomy after contact with the European cattle industry, I will suggest a new perspective on Aboriginal history. Although facing cultural and economic difficulties caused by white intrusion, the Gurindji people were successful in sustaining their tribal life, with the help of the natural cycle, even though they received partial white economic assistance while living on the stations. They preserved their traditional socioeconomic system even under terrible labour conditions. The final strategy adopted, to get out of tribal economic difficulties and to preserve their traditional culture by separating it from that of the whites, was the strike movement at Daguragu and the independence of Daguragu Station.

著者

藤岡 伸明

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

no.27, pp.63-79, 2014-03-20

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Since the 1980s, the Japanese food industry in Australia has developed dramatically, and Japanese-style food such as sushi and sashimi has become popular among the Australian population. Although previous research has studied the reasons for this phenomenon, it has overlooked the significance of the recruitment of Japanese to work in the industry. Taking this research trend into consideration, this study examines the process by which Japanese working holiday-makers (WHMs) who work in the Japanese food industry in Australia travel to the country, in addition to their working situation in Australia. In doing so, it attempts to conceptualize the role of the Australia-Japan working holiday program in the development of the industry. The author conducted fieldwork in Australia as part of this study. This included an interview survey of Japanese WHMs and participant observation of a Japanese restaurant in Melbourne. The data collected through this fieldwork produced the following three findings: 1) Highly-skilled Japanese workers such as chefs and managers tend to travel to Australia on working holiday visas, and change their status of residence to working visas when they are sure of their working and living situations in Australia; 2) Japanese WHMs tend to accept low-paid jobs in the Japanese food industry, for example as kitchen hands and waiters, due mainly to their lack of English skills; 3) Japanese WHMs who take on low-paid jobs in the industry are trying to improve the quality of their working lives through self-help efforts and collective action, for example by seeking complementary rewards, creating original games, enjoying conversation with customers, and receiving informal support from managers. They are attempting to gain a feeling of pleasure and satisfaction through such activities instead of demanding that their employers improve their working conditions. These findings have led to the conclusion that the Australia-Japan working holiday program plays two roles in the development of the Japanese food industry in Australia. First, it facilitates matching between highly-skilled workers and employers. Second, it provides a pool of cheap and obedient workers for the industry. Employers can take advantage of the program both to recruit highly-skilled workers and to reduce labor costs.

著者

藤岡 伸明

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

no.25, pp.29-44, 2012-03-20

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Since the 1980s, there has been a dramatic increase in the number of Japanese working holiday makers (WHMs) in Australia. In fact, the proportion of WHMs to the total Japanese population in Australia has also risen, and as a result their contribution to the Japanese community in Australia has started to receive attention. At the same time, however, there has been criticism that the motivation of WHMs is so unfocused that they do not maximize the opportunities for personal development associated with staying in a foreign country. The present study reflects on the reasons for the rapid increase in the number of Japanese WHMs in Australia, and also why their narratives on motivation have tended to become unfocused. In particular, it examines "push factors" that encourage young Japanese people to go abroad, "pull factors"that attract them to Australia, and "mediating factors" that facilitate their travel from Japan to Australia. In relation to the increase in WHMs, previous research on Japanese youth as well as various statistics, surveys, and announcements by the Australian and Japanese governments suggest it is due to a wide range of changes in and characteristics of the two societies. First, in Japan, unstable youth employment, a tendency to marry later, the advancement of a consumer society, and the individualization of the life course seem to operate as push factors. Second, the chance of an extended stay overseas, plenty of opportunities for employment, travel, and English-language acquisition, and the Australian government's commitment to the working holiday program appear to function as pull factors. Third, travel agencies, language schools, the media, and informal networks seem to operate as mediating factors. In terms of the unfocused narratives on motivation of WHMs, three possible explanations are raised. First, it is likely that many WHMs have and mention more than one objective, such as work, study, and travel, which may convey the image that their motivation is not specific. Second, there is a possibility that WHMs are not able to succinctly explain their motivation due to the complexity of their own situations arising from the changes in society. Third, as a result of the difficulty of explaining their motivation to become WHMs, they may use cliches gleaned from the media and travel agencies. In order to investigate the validity of these hypotheses, the paper suggests further research is needed to give an emic account of the situations of Japanese WHMs.

著者

藤岡 伸明

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.63-79, 2014-03-20 (Released:2017-05-10)

---

Since the 1980s, the Japanese food industry in Australia has developed dramatically, and Japanese-style food such as sushi and sashimi has become popular among the Australian population. Although previous research has studied the reasons for this phenomenon, it has overlooked the significance of the recruitment of Japanese to work in the industry. Taking this research trend into consideration, this study examines the process by which Japanese working holiday-makers (WHMs) who work in the Japanese food industry in Australia travel to the country, in addition to their working situation in Australia. In doing so, it attempts to conceptualize the role of the Australia-Japan working holiday program in the development of the industry. The author conducted fieldwork in Australia as part of this study. This included an interview survey of Japanese WHMs and participant observation of a Japanese restaurant in Melbourne. The data collected through this fieldwork produced the following three findings: 1) Highly-skilled Japanese workers such as chefs and managers tend to travel to Australia on working holiday visas, and change their status of residence to working visas when they are sure of their working and living situations in Australia; 2) Japanese WHMs tend to accept low-paid jobs in the Japanese food industry, for example as kitchen hands and waiters, due mainly to their lack of English skills; 3) Japanese WHMs who take on low-paid jobs in the industry are trying to improve the quality of their working lives through self-help efforts and collective action, for example by seeking complementary rewards, creating original games, enjoying conversation with customers, and receiving informal support from managers. They are attempting to gain a feeling of pleasure and satisfaction through such activities instead of demanding that their employers improve their working conditions. These findings have led to the conclusion that the Australia-Japan working holiday program plays two roles in the development of the Japanese food industry in Australia. First, it facilitates matching between highly-skilled workers and employers. Second, it provides a pool of cheap and obedient workers for the industry. Employers can take advantage of the program both to recruit highly-skilled workers and to reduce labor costs.

著者

保苅 実

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

no.8, pp.14-28, 1996-12-25

---

Today it is well known that there is disagreement between the 'oppositionalists' and the 'accommodationists' concerning viewpoints of Aboriginal history. This thesis aims to integrate these different standpoints. In 1966, the Gurindji people, who had been working at Wave Hill Station in north-western NT, walked off the station and initiated a strike for better working conditions. Even though the world human rights movement was an external condition, Gurindji's internal factors that led to the decision to strike can't be understood without studying their social and economic history. Examining this is the aim of this paper. Investigating the continuance, transition and crisis of Gurindji tribal autonomy after contact with the European cattle industry, I will suggest a new perspective on Aboriginal history. Although facing cultural and economic difficulties caused by white intrusion, the Gurindji people were successful in sustaining their tribal life, with the help of the natural cycle, even though they received partial white economic assistance while living on the stations. They preserved their traditional socioeconomic system even under terrible labour conditions. The final strategy adopted, to get out of tribal economic difficulties and to preserve their traditional culture by separating it from that of the whites, was the strike movement at Daguragu and the independence of Daguragu Station.

著者

津田 博司

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

no.29, pp.76-87, 2016-03-20

---

The aim of this essay is to locate the ongoing resurgence of Anzac Day in the context of neo-liberalist culture since the late 1980s. Approaching to the centenary years of the First World War, the Anzac tradition is capturing the interests as a subject of historical studies. Some historians argue the narrative surrounding Anzac Day works as a 'civil religion' to substitute Christianity in the secular, multicultural society, while others criticise the growing nationalistic attachment to the Anzac legend, allegedly promoted under the Howard government, as the 'militarisation' of Australian history. This essay focuses on the bipartisan social consciousness to use the Anzac myth as a source of national unity, with the rise of neo-liberalism from the Hawke labor government to the Abbott liberal government. The discursive shifts concerning Anzac Day over the last three decades demonstrate how the representation of history has been inclined to be more inclusive in terms of generation, ethnicity and cultural backgrounds. Various agents of memory, such as politicians, ex-servicemen, or academic historians, participate in constructing the cohesive memory which would incorporate non-Anglo-Celtic minorities in the diverse population including indigenous Australians. This apparently harmonious process of myth-making, however, came as a psychological retreat from the confronting debate on colonisation and the 'frontier wars'. In some cases, the emphasis on the indigenous war service offers a symbolic 'reconciliation' through the Anzac tradition. That fits the political correctness in the multicultural society and mediates the fragile sense of community under neo-liberalism. But, as shown in the protest on Anzac Day in Canberra, the incorporation of indigenous history into the dominant nationalist narrative is still problematic and traumatic. In this sense, the recent revival of Anzac Day symbolises the ambivalent attitude to history and national unity in Australia.

著者

田村 恵子

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.27, pp.121-123, 2014-03-20 (Released:2017-05-10)

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.31, pp.87-100, 2018 (Released:2019-06-12)

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The Kyoto Protocol continues to provide a binding framework for global warming prevention. However, it will be supplanted by the Paris Agreement in 2020. Unlike the Kyoto Protocol, where only developed countries take responsibility for reductions in greenhouse gas emissions, the Paris Agree- ment involves all countries who have signed the accord. Following the Paris Agreement, it has been agreed that global warming will be kept within a 2°C increase from pre-industrial levels. In this paper, the implications of this policy reform on Japan, China and Australia are discussed. Utilizing the“ Clean Development Mechanism” (CDM) in the Kyoto Protocol, many Japanese rms have used foreign direct investments (FDI) to conduct reforestation in areas outside Japan in order to o set emissions produced by Japan. Although this mechanism might be weakened by the Paris Agreement, the contribution to reforestation by Japanese rms using FDIs have not always been signi cant as they were oriented towards business interests rather than environmental goals. Most of these FDIs were carried out by electrical power companies, trading rms, paper manufacturing companies and compa- nies using paper. In addition, the newly planted trees tended to be cut down every 7 years for chip pulp used in paper production which was then exported by Japanese rms. Trees can only e ectively absorb CO2 when they are grown for longer terms. Therefore, these Japanese FDI projects can be viewed with suspicion in regards to reducing CO2 emissions. In addition, the expected shift from nuclear power to thermal power in Japan following the 2011 Fukushima Disaster will likely mean uranium imports from Australia will shrink in favor of coal. This will not only impact the Australian economy but may also have negative e ects on Japan’s attempts to decrease greenhouse gas emissions. Both Japan and Australia had failed to ratify the Paris agreement before its implementation although they signed it afterwards. This has substantially weakened their negotiation powers with regards to climate change. However, Chinese leadership on climate change has continued to strengthen, particularly after President Donald Trump announced the USA’s withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and TPP and the EU’s instability following Brexit.

著者

藤岡 伸明

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

no.26, pp.68-84, 2013-03-20

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In the 1980s, Cairns and the Gold Coast became international tourist destinations as a result of massive foreign investment from Japan. Although previous research has elucidated this process with a focus on the activities of Japanese investors, it has overlooked the significance of Japanese workers who provide services to Japanese tourists. Attempting to correct this gap, this study examines the working and living situations of Japanese working holiday makers (WHMs) who work at a tourist facility near Cairns. In doing so, it attempts to shed light on their importance to, and conceptualize their roles in, Queensland's tourism industry. The author conducted fieldwork in Australia for this purpose. This included an interview survey of Japanese WHMs and participant observation of a tourist facility situated on the fringe of an area of tropical rainforest in the Cairns region which employs a number of Japanese WHMs. The data collected by means of this fieldwork produced the following findings: 1) Most Japanese WHMs worked at the facility for only a short period of time; they usually worked for about 1-4 months before moving on. 2) The Japanese WHMs were the main workers in the Japanese division of the facility. Without these workers, the facility would not be able to deal with visiting Japanese tourists. 3) The working and living conditions of the Japanese WHMs were relatively poor. Their duties were unskilled service-related jobs, their wages were low, and their dormitory was poorly equipped. 4) The Japanese WHMs did not protest to their employer about their conditions, but were attempting to improve their quality of life by means of a variety of cooperative efforts, such as creating original games, inventing new recipes, and obtaining informal compensation from their bosses. 5) The Japanese WHMs also tried to give a positive meaning to their experiences at the facility. They attempted to give meaning to their experiences by appropriating ideas and images which they regarded as useful and plausible. In total, these findings led to the conclusion that Japanese WHMs constitute a large pool of cheap, unskilled, temporary, flexible and obedient workers for Queensland's tourism industry. Employers are able to take advantage of their availability to lower labor costs, to deal with fluctuations in labor demand, and to recruit workers to provide services for Japanese tourists.

著者

酒井 一臣

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

no.14, pp.52-64, 2002-03-08

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In the inter-War period, a major problem in the Australia-Japan relations was how to defend the White Australian policy against Japan who had been building up an important status in international relationship. In particular, after World War I, Australia came to regard Japan as a threat to its safety. Japan's occupation of the South-Sea Islands (Nanyo Gunto) and her racial equality proposal at the Paris Peace Conference intensified such perception. Mr. E. L. Piesse was the Director of the Pacific Branch of the Prime Minister's Department from 1919 to 1923. As such he exerted considerable influence on Australian foreign policy. This essay examines Piesse's view on Japan and the Japanese reaction to his view. Piesse suggested the adoption of pragmatic policy towards Japan, but his proposal was rejected because most Australians increasingly considered Japan as a threat. Their judgment was made on the basis of partial and incorrect information. In this period, the basic structure of Australia-Japan relations was that the more strenuously Japan attempted to preserve her dignity as an empire, the more serious the threat Australia felt from Japan. Piesse thought that it was important to preserve White Australia without hurting Japan's sense of national pride. But his view was not supported, and he resigned his post after Japan's threat had become felt less keenly due to the Washington Conference which replaced the Anglo-Japanese Alliance with the Four-Power Treaty. In this way this structure continued to remain as a fundamental problem in Australia-Japan relations.

著者

藤田 智子

出版者

オーストラリア学会

雑誌

オーストラリア研究 (ISSN:09198911)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.22, pp.129-131, 2009-03-20 (Released:2017-05-10)