著者

小松 寛

出版者

北東アジア学会

雑誌

北東アジア地域研究 (ISSN:1882692X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.15, pp.51-64, 2009-10-01

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The aim of this essay is to consider the impact of Japanese intellectual thought on the "anti-reversion debate" in Okinawa. The anti-reversion debate not only opposed the reversion of Okinawa to Japan, but also rejected the idea of Okinawan independence. This is because the anti-reversion debate was an ideological endeavor that refused a state model based on national identity. The essay proceeds by analyzing two strains of thought considered to have exerted substantial influence on the anti-reversion debate: Shimao Toshio's `Yaponesia' writings, and Japanese anarchism of the 1960s. I discuss how these influences from mainland Japan were actually received, in particular by Arakawa Akira, commonly regarded to be the central figure of the anti-reversion debate. Finally, I show how these two ideologies influenced the anti-reversion debate, concluding that while Shimao's Yaponesia writings provided a positive appraisal of national identity, anarchism contributed to a rejection of the state. Furthermore, I highlight the potential value of considering the anti-reversion debate in future discussions on Northeast Asia.

著者

縄倉 晶雄

出版者

北東アジア学会

雑誌

北東アジア地域研究 (ISSN:1882692X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.20, pp.1-16, 2014

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This paper analyzes how South Korea's pro-environmental policies in the 1990s worked on its bi-polarized rural communities. In the 1980s, South Korea's government pursued mechanization of agricultural works and extension of farmlands per family. While these measures succeeded in the improvement of agricultural performance nationwide, they were criticized to worsen income inequality among farmers and distort rural communities. In the 1990s, the government attempted pro-environmental agriculture with (1) organic farming, (2) direct payment to peasants and local groups of farmers, and (3) green tourism. The government aimed that farmers revitalize their local communities in the process of these measures. Despite the introduction of pro-environmental policies, however, Korea's rural communities were remained unequal and distorted. Because the introduction of new farming technology was complicated for less-educated peasants, the inequality among farmers sustained. And, more importantly, because the government's policies were void of concrete and exact steps of decreasing inequality and forming cooperation among farmers, the farmers had poor incentives to cooperate with their local neighbors.

著者

文 聖姫

出版者

北東アジア学会

雑誌

北東アジア地域研究 (ISSN:1882692X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.79-95, 2013

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This paper focuses on the special economic zone policy of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea), in particular its revitalization after 2009. Kirn Jong-il, the former leader of North Korea, visited Rason, the special economic zone, at the end of 2009. Since that time, North Korea's special economic zone policy has been revitalized. The question is, why has North Korea revitalized this policy? This paper first focuses on the background of North Korea's special economic zone policy. Kim Jong-il wanted to establish 'an economically strong country to be inherited by his successor, Kim Jong-un. This paper also focuses on changes in the special economic zone policy. The biggest feature of the special economic zone in recent years is China's cooperation in development and management. In 2011, North Korea and China agreed to jointly develop Rason and Hwanggumpyong. It is the conclusion of this author that North Korea will establish an economically strong country with foreign capital obtained in the special economic zone. Therefore, developing the special economic zone is a very important point to establishing Kangsung (strong and prosperous) country which North Korea considers as a target.

著者

松本 邦彦

出版者

北東アジア学会

雑誌

北東アジア地域研究 (ISSN:1882692X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.18, pp.23-34, 2012

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In recent Japan, "multicultural community building" has become an official ideology. For instance, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications has created a promotion plan for multicultural community building and has been promoting such policy practices to all local government entities. On the other hand, starting from "Hate Korea Wave, A Comic (Manga Kenkanryu)," there are louder voices who insist on xenophobia against Korean living in Japan. This paper focuses on the recognition of the history of Japan's colonial occupation in which anti-Korean arguments are based in order to analyze Japanese policies on multicultural community building. The study has led to the following conclusion: In Japan, multicultural community building has been promoted by ignoring the issues of the recognition of history. As foreign workers increase in Japan, xenophobia such as the "Hate Korea" movement will be a threat to such multicultural community building policy practices. People who are attracted to the "Hate Korea Wave" support the concept of Japan's colonial occupation on the ground of a theory of self-responsibility.

著者

縄倉 晶雄

出版者

北東アジア学会

雑誌

北東アジア地域研究 (ISSN:1882692X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.19, pp.21-34, 2013-06-30

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Though there have been many studies on Saemaul Undong, a government-led campaign on rural development in 1970s' Korea, almost of them have focused on its economic. Meanwhile, few studies have argued the social changes of the rural areas under Saemaul Undong. In addition, studies which focus on rural policies in the 1970s Korea other than Saemaul Undong have also been rare. This study reviews how Saemaul Undong and the rural financial policies in 1970s Korea worked on the country's informal rural finance based on local communities. The official discourses of Saemaul Undong insisted the empowerment of local communities in rural areas. If it was implemented correctly by the government, seen from the perspective of the framework of social capital, the rural residents' interests gained from their communities are thought to be increased. However, this study reveals that the rural residents' financial interests from their local communities were decreased by the policies. Though the rural residents had accessed the opportunities of moneymaking through their local communities until the beginning of Saemaul Undong and rural financial policies related to it in 1970, the policies decreased the opportunities through the reduction of financial interest rate implemented in the name of 'financial modernization.

著者

高 賢来

出版者

北東アジア学会編集委員会

雑誌

北東アジア地域研究 (ISSN:1882692X)

巻号頁・発行日

no.16, pp.1-13, 2010

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In the early 1950's, the roles of the Northeast Asian states, including quasi-states like Okinawa, were formed as American Cold War policy was tied to the policies of each local government. However, at the same time, arguments of resistance to these roles were also formed in each state. This paper deals with those arguments. Since each state played a different role in America's Cold War policy, there were significant differences in the characters of their respective arguments of resistance. Nonetheless, these arguments share a common background since they appeared when these states became embroiled in the Cold War, and intensified thereafter amid the changing international situation in the mid-1950's. From 1957 onwards, these arguments of resistance pressed for the need to reorganization the US's policy on Northeast Asia. This paper examines the processes by which each of these arguments of resistance was simultaneously formed and developed and the critical factors of these developments, by focusing on the the ideological changes of political leaders in each state. This paper treats Japan, Republic of Korea and Okinawa, because these states (and administrative distric) were inextricably tied to each other within US policy vis-a-vis Northeast Asia.