著者
村上 正二
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.44, no.3, pp.305-339, 1961-12

The Mongol term soyurqal, which meant a kind of fiefdom in Činggis Qan's Empire of the early thirteenth century, was obviously derived from the verb soyurqa-qu, 'to grant a favor'. This verb, along with its passive form soyurqaγ-da-qu, frequently occurs in the Mongolian text of the Secret History of Mongols where it is voiced reciprocally between the knight and the lord in the oath of allegiance, in a set pattern of expression. The noun soyurqal seems to have originally meant any kind of gracious deed or thing bestowed by the lord upon the knight in reward for the latter's lasting service or distinguished merits. Later it came to denote a wide range of inherited privileges conferred upon grand knights and princes, concerning their emčü irgen (subject-peoples), sometimes accompanied by the so-called darqan right, i. e. special right of tax exemption or impunity. In the early stage of the Mongol Empire, those subject-peoples, who were granted to knights or princes, mostly consisted of non-Mongolians, qari-yin irgen, or, to be more exact, natives of non-steppe areas who had been captured on the battle-field. As soyurqal was a special favor of the Qan, the recipient was excused from the duties such as taxes and corvées otherwise to be assessed upon it by the State. On the other hand, the majority of the people of the Mongol States and Empire, generally called ulus irgen or qanliγ irgen, were mainly peoples of steppe origin, who were .placed under a direct control of the central government and were imposed upon with all sorts of nomadic taxes and corvées. In contrast to the emčü irgen, the ulus irgen were portions of heritage, qubi kešig, of the common property, i. e. the Empire's peoples, divided among Činggis Qan's family members in accordance with the traditional law of succession of Mongols. In Mongolia of this stage, a Qaγan or a king of a State had a double personality, public and private; as a private person, even he could possess his own private domain in the form of an ordo with all its paraphernalia, while a prince or a knight had soyurqal instead. This was why the ulus irgen of the Empire or the States were registered in census books under an entirely different category from that of the emčü irgen of the kings or knights.
著者
中村 淳
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.75, no.3, pp.p229-259, 1994-03

The disputes between one sect of Taoism Quan-zhen-jiao (全真教) and the Zen sect (禅宗) of Buddhism arose three times in the reign of the Emperor Möngke. According to the Zhi-yuan-bian-wei-lu (至元辯偽録) compiled by a Buddhist monk which have been regarded as the only relevant literature, it is reported that these disputes ended in a victory for Buddhism. As the result of examining relevant parts of a report of mission composed by William of Rubruck and a Tibetan chronicle Hu-lan-deb-ther, we have found that Möngke supervised several disputes among Buddhism, Christianity and Islam in Qara-qorum. The first and the second disputes between Taoism and Buddhism form a through process because the two disputes were supervised by Möngke in Qara-qorum.The third dispute between Taoism and Buddhism was supervised by Qubilai at Kai-ping-fu (開平府) in 1258. Qubilai was ordered to rule China by Möngke in 1251 and intended to exclude Quan-zhen-jiao from the administration of China, for this sect absorbed the intellectuals who had nowhere to go after the suspension of ke-ju (科挙) and participated in politics of North China. This dispute was performed as a major ceremonial function for the sake of Qubilai's manifestation. At this time, Qubilai also ordered a young Tibetan Buddhist monk 'Phags-pa to take part as the main disputant. At Qubilai's accession at Kai-ping-fu in 1260 ʻPhags-pa was appointed as State Preceptor guo-shi (国師). Qubilai appointed ʻPhags-pa who didn't have any base in China as the highest priest of the empire and obstructed the rise of the Zen sect in the place of Quan-zhen-jiao, which was similarly a refuge for the intellectuals. Thus a new and full-scale Mongol Empire come to start in China.
著者
崎川 隆
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, no.2, pp.145-153, 2008-09
著者
崎川 隆
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.90, no.2, pp.145-153, 2008-09

2 0 0 0 IR 禺氏辺山の玉

著者
榎 一雄
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.66, no.1, pp.p109-132, 1985-03

In the Sections on Ch'ing Chung 輕重篇 in Kuon-tzu, there appears several times the name of Yü-shih/chih which is generally considered as identical with the tribe Yueh-shih/chih 月氏 or Ta Yueh-shih/chih 大月氏 which migrated from the north-western part of China as far as Ta-hsia 大夏or what is now the northern half of Afghanistan.The Yü-shih/chih of Kuan-tzu is described as either a tribe or a place in which yü 玉 or jade was collected in abundance. As is well known, it is the region of the present Khotan in Chinese Turkestan where so much jade has been collected from ancient times and brought to China. And the statement of Kuan-tzu concerning Yü-shih/chih is taken as meaning the occupation of the Khotan region by the Yueh-shih/chih tribe or as the trading of jade which the Yueh-shih/chih collected and brought to China.The author of the present article tries to establish that the name Yü-shih/chih itself designates Khotan and that the statement in Kuan-tzu intends to say that the jade was collected in the Khotan region. It is for the following three reasons: (1) the Sections on Ch'ing Chung in Kuan-tzu are considered to have been compiled in or sometime after the reign of emperor Wu 武 of the Former Han Dynasty, as has been clearly pointed out by Professor Ma Fe-po 馬非百, when the name of Khotan was known by the Chinese for the first time as the result of the first mission of Chang Ch'ien 張鶱 to Central Asia; (2) the name of Khotan was recorded by Ssu-ma Ch'ien 司馬遷 in the Shih-chi 史記, Bk. 123, as Yu-t'ien 于○ which later corrupted into Yu-chih 于寘 is shown by almost all current texts of Shih-chi; (3) the compiler of the Sections on Ch'ing Ch'ung of of Kuan-tzu who saw the corrupted form Yü-chih, changed it into Yü-shih/chih in reference to the name Yü 禺 which is recorded as a mysterious place or tribe in Mu-t'ien-tzu chuan 穆天子傳 and Shan-hai-ching 山海經.○は寘のうかんむりと眞の間に儿
著者
志茂 智子
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.76, no.3, pp.p315-344, 1995-03

Early in the fourteenth century Il-Khan Ghazan ordered his vazir Rashīd al-Dīn to compile a history of the Mongols mainly based on original Mongolian sources. The khan's intention was that such a history would make the Mongol tribesmen under him reacknowledge their old ties with the Chinggisid house, so that his rule would be firmly established over the Il-Khanid territory, which had long been embroiled in political turmoil. The Mongol History, titled Ta'rikh-i Ghāzāni, was completed after the death of Ghazan Khan and presented to his younger brother and successor Öljeitü Khan. Ordered by the new khan, Rashīd al-Dīn further undertook the task to compile a history of the world. Thus Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh, or the Collection of Histories, consisting of the Mongol History and the History of Nations was completed in 1311. In the past it has been falsely assumed, with no serious examination, that the initial Mongol History, or Ta'rikh-i Ghāzāni, as identical with the Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition. The assumption is quite wrong. In fact the Mongol History text contained in Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh is a revised edition of Ta'rikh-i Ghāzāni. By comparison of the History of Tribes, which makes up the core of both editions of the Mongol History, we find that the later Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition gives more refined phrasings with new words inserted and errors corrected, at the same time eliminating a large number of passages from the earlier edition. In this respect, the Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition of the Mongol History is not quite as valuable a historical source as the Ta'rikh-i Ghāzāni edition.Almost all the extant manuscripts of the Mongol History have descended from the Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh edition. Only the Manuscript Revan Köskü 1518 in lstanbul has come down to us preserving intact the original form of the Mongol History. This is truly the most valuable text, and should be taken as the primary source in studying the history of the Mongol Empire.The initial edition of the Mongol History had also contained Chinggisid family trees, which were excluded by Rashīd al-Dīn in his revised work in order to reduce the volume of the Mongol History, but retained in the Mongol Genealogies section in the Collection of Genealogies supplemental to Jāmiʻ al-Tawārikh.
著者
水野 正明
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.87, no.3, pp.289-319, 2005-12

The Wudaishiguo 五代十国 period was characterized by political chaos with warlords running rampant and China divided into small kingdoms. Nevertheless, the country developed normally both economically and socially, as the Tang 唐 Dynasty's haute culture spread far and wide.The custom of tea drinking had already begun taking root among the common people, even extending to foreign peoples during the latter half of the Tang period. Thus, a huge tea market appeared in northern China, while in the south, wherever the war damage done to the Shiguo 十国, located to the south of the Qinling (秦嶺) and the Huaihe (淮河), was not so serious, the tea industry prospered remarkably with the help of government policy promoting the production of indigenous blends, and the tea culture became increasingly refined.With respect to the Wudaishiguo period, however, few complete source materials remain, forcing the author to use such ancient accounts as Mao Wenxi's 毛文錫 Chapu 『茶譜』, some parts of which have been scattered and lost, and "Mingchuanmen" (茗[くさかんむりに舛]門) in Tao Gu's 陶穀 Qingyi lu 『清異録』, in addition to as many fragmentary materials as possible, including the Zizhi Tongjian 『資治通鑑』 and Shiguo Chunqiu 『十国春秋』.Despite the lack of complete sources on tea during the period in question, it can be said on the basis of the available materials that the tea industry was expanding in Wang' 王 QianShu 前蜀, Ma' 馬 Chu 楚, Li' 李 NanTang 南唐, Qian' 銭 Wuyue 呉越 and Wang' 王 Min 閩 under government protection and promotion, thus forming the foundation upon which tea would become one of China's key industries. It was a time during which the sale of tea goods spread as far as Qidan 契丹, Dangxiang 党項 and Zhongyuan 中原 in northern China through the vigorous activities of tea dealers, who during the later Northern Song period would further extend merchandise distribution and the custom of tea drinking to foreign peoples, thus implementing government supplies to troops stationed on the northern frontiers via the tea-horse trade (茶馬貿易).
著者
原 実
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.68, no.1, pp.p108-99, 1987-01
著者
原 実
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.71, no.1, pp.p220-211, 1989-12
著者
原 實
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.89, no.3, pp.378-372, 2007-12
著者
原 実
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.61, no.3, pp.p384-398, 1980-03
著者
原 実
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.73, no.3, pp.p342-336, 1992-03
著者
並木 頼寿
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.62, no.3, pp.p320-358, 1981-03

Throughout Chinese history, to defend villages from outside enemies, villagers often constructed forts around their communities. Those forts were called yü 圩, chai 寨, and so on. During the White Lotus Rebellion, the Ch'ing government encouraged fortification as a policy that was known as Chien-pi ch'ing-yeh 堅壁清野, or strengthening the walls and clearing the countryside. In the late Ch'ing and the early Republican period, there were many fortified villages in North China. The building of the forts was an influence of the Nien Rebellion in the Taiping period.The Nien Rebellion was strongly characterized by its close relationship with native villages. Nien members lived in villages fortified by yü-chai, organized their corps based on each yü-chai, and went out from yü-chai to battle against enemy forces or to plunder rich gentry property. For the Ch'ing forces, it was very difficult and dangerous to advance against areas that bristled with the yü-chai of the Nien.The Nien Rebellion has been characterized by Fu I-ling as an anti-centralization rebellion of feudal power induced by the medieval t'u-hao 土豪, or local strongmen, and he said, in contrast, with the Taiping movement, the Nien Rebellion cannot be included among peasant rebellions. One of his main arguments is that yü-chai, as the base of the Nien, were ruled by t'u-hao.But, I think, it is incorrect to think there were already many yü-chai ruled by t'u-hao in the area of the Nien before the outbreak of the rebellion. Construction of yü-chai mushroomed in response to expansion of the rebellion. This fact shows us that the organization of the Nien and the rule of t'u-hao should be distinguished. Nien members constructed forts around their communities, nevertheless they made up their own organization against the rule of t'u-hao, and their fortified villages were not equal to the fortifications constructed under gentry supervision.Thus, I think, the Nien Rebellion should be classified as a peasant rebellion, though Nien members were often deeply related by clan connections.After the suppression of the rebellion, however, the rule of t'u-hao based on yü-chai was likely to be rather strengthened in North China villages.