著者
黒岩 高
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.86, no.3, pp.421-455, 2004-12

The Muslim rebellion that arose in Northwest China between 1862 and 1878 is one of the most momentous series of events in Chinese Muslim history. Although it has mostly attracted attention as a symbol of the century of revolt, regional differences within the rebellion has yet to be sufficiently argued. By focusing on the rebellion's local character, this paper aims to offer a new perspective on the rebellion itself, proposing an approach for correlating regional characteristics with the religious basis of the Chinese Muslim society. This paper focuses on the areas of Shangxi and Gansu, for each shows distinctive regional differences. Through an examination of the roles played by rebellion leaders in each region regarding the maintenance of local social order, the following can be conceived.The Muslim society of Shangxi was characterized by Xue (学), based on a tradition of Islamic Holy scripture scholarship. And the recognition of Ahongs, the leaders of the community, was grounded in an understanding of scripture with concerns exclusively on sustaining the ethical standard of their own community. Therefore, they did not participate in the non-Muslim social order and had no intent to coordinate cooperation with other communitiesOn the other hand, the Menhuan shaykhs of Gansu formed networks within a fluid Jiao (教) society; and out of a necessity to manage their community alliances, they took authority over various mundane matters and leaned towards regional integration. In addition, local administrators hoped to take advantage of them and set the conditions under which they would become the leaders within the local order.It is hardly a coincidence that the local aspects of Muslim society produced a rebellion in Xue Muslim society that was rather separatist, while producing an uprising with characteristics tending towards regional integration in Jiao Muslim society. Thus, it can be said that the rebellions in Shangxi and Gansu possessed different relevance, each reflecting local circumstances. In this respect, what has been said about unity and solidarity within rebellions should be at least questioned in the future study of them.
著者
酒井 恵子
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.87, no.4, pp.463-490, 2006-03

The Ming-Qing period has been said by many scholars to be a time when literati authors wrote biographies of faithful wives (節婦) who did not remarry after their husbands' deaths and heroic martyrs who committed suicide or were killed in order to preserve their chastity. These actions are also said to have had a close relation to the awarding of government honors for virtuous behavior-jing biao 旌表. However, according to recent studies, those biographies had already begun to proliferate during the Yuan period.Before that time, during the Tang-Song period, the great majority of those who received jing biao were filial sons (孝子); then during the Ming period, faithful wives and heroic martyrs came to occupy the overwhelming majority of the recipients. During the Yuan period, although the majority of the recipients were still filial sons, the number of faithful wives and heroic martyrs were on the increase. Also at the same time, regulations regarding jing biao were changed by the government, which decided to remove from consideration filial children who bled their thighs to provide medicine for sick parents and institute an age qualification for faithful wife candidates.Compared with the Song-Jin period, the stoppage of the civil service examination during the Yuan period reduced the number of officials entering the government and made it more difficult to obtain special privileges. Under such difficult circumstances, jing biao came to attract attention as a means to acquire such privileges; however, it became more and more difficult for filial sons to acquire the honor, as more emphasis was placed on faithful wives, resulting in a sharp increase in applications on behalf of the latter group. On the other hand, the Dynasty's age limitations on faithful wives resulted in jing biao being limited to widows of rich and powerful families.Consequently, the increase in biographies of faithful wives and heroic martyrs during the Yuan period should be considered as reflecting the simultaneous tendency for jing biao candidates to be limited to members of the wealthy classes, who had the wherewithal to pay someone to write their biographies.
著者
佐藤 実
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.82, no.3, pp.371-402, 2000-12

The purpose of this paper is to put into some kind of logical order blockprinted editions of the early Qing period scholar Liu Zhi 劉智's Tian-Fang Dian-Li 天方典禮 and Tian-Fang Zhi-Sheng Shi-Lu 天方至聖實錄 that were transmitted to Japan and examine the conditions under which the Islamic works written by Muslims of the late Ming / early Qing period were circulated and handed down.The oldest extant edition of Tian-Fang Dian-Li was published by Yang Fei-lu 楊斐菉 in 康煕 49 (1710) and that of Tian-Fang Zhi-Sheng Shi-Lu was published in Cheng-du 成都 by Huan-chun-tang 還淳堂 in 道光 7 (1827).There are three different extant editions of Tian-Fang Dian-Li: the Tong Guo-xuan, Dian-nan 滇南 and Jiang-zhang-tang 絳帳堂 editions. There was also a Huan-chun-tang edition, as seen in a preface by Huan-chun-tang's Ma Da-en 馬大恩 appearing in the Dian-nan and the Bao-zhen-tang 寶眞堂 Huang-chun-tang edition.There are two different editions of Tian-Fang Zhi-Sheng Shi-Lu: The Huan-chun-tang and Zhen-jiang Mosque editions. The list of Islamic literature contained in the Tong-zhi 同治 13 / Guang-xu 光緒 1 (1874) printings of the latter is important for knowing about publication of that genre during the late Ming / early Qing period.After many Islamic works written by Muslims at that time were published by Ma Da-en in Cheng-du during the Dao-guang 道光 era (1830s and 40s), similar publication continued during the Tong-zhi era (1860s) in Yunnan 雲南, and then by Yuhaiting 余海亭 in Cheng-du. Therefore, in southeast China, the publication of Islamic books followed a route from Cheng-du to Yunnan, then back to Cheng-du, with Ma Da-en playing the pioneering role.In addition, Islamic works preserved in Zhen-jiang and Guang-dong 広東 became very valuable after the loss of many books due to the Muslim risings of the Tong-zhi era.Finally, the author points out that there is no evidence that the works of Liu-Zhi were published or printed by either the Shan-xi 陝西 or Shan-dong 山東 Schools.
著者
ガン A.v. 護 雅夫
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.45, no.3, 1962-12

The way of sitting on chairs as high as the knee and the use of tables fitting to it was introduced to China from the West only secondary, Japan refused such an attitude. When the Uigurs lost their "Empire of the Steppe" in Mongolia, and founded a kingdom at Ko-ch'o 高昌 (to-day: Turfan-oasis, Eastern-Turkistan) in the middle of the 9th century, they changed from semi-nomad life to the way of the agrarian and towns-building people of their new country. From the wall-paintings and miniatures of Ko-ch'o may be recognized, which attitude the Uigurs adopted, what was looked at by them as dignified, and what as mean; how they behaved in reverence and how in leisure.On those pictures we see the difference between noblemen and simple people (1), the former's hair hung loose and they bound their caps by a red ribbon under the chin. The people (2) arranged the hair on the back of the head by fastening it with a thin material or a dark cap; this cap was bounded by a ribbon, the loose ends of which hung down into the neck. Only the belts of the aristocracy (1, 11) were adorned with pendants. To have the feet bare was only the way of hard working people (3). Even the feet of the Buddha were covered with sandals (4), otherwise unknown among the Uigurs.Chairs were only used as lecturing desk (5), not in common life. Reading was done in putting the book on the lower left arm, a finger of the right one following the lines (see again 5, right side). Or, a book was put on a low stand with crossed shelves (6, middle). For writing, a pad was put on the crossed legs of a person (see again 6, right, down), or a low little table was put in front (7). In all these cases, people would sit crossed-legged. But that was just an attitude of the clergy. Sitting easy was usually done on the floor, esp. on a little carpet so as to kneel and sit on the lower legs (8 and 9). In working or in attendance, people would kneel with one leg, the foot of the other one flat on the ground (10), so as to be able and jump up quickly if required. Deep reverence was not so much shown by the attitude of the whole body, but particularly by that of the hands. In front of the Buddha, a man would stand upright or sit easy, a woman and a monk would likewise stand upright (11) or kneel upright. To offer something, a man or a woman had to cover the own hand, but a monk might touch the gift by his hand (12).As a sign of complete submissiveness, and as a sign to have no weapons at hand, people would in front of the Buddha clasp the palms of the hands together, the top of the fingers turned up (again 9). Or they would put the hands into the mouth of the sleeves (again 11). Still unexplained remains the meaning of a long flower-twig in the hands of a donator in front of the Buddha, very much too heavy as to be cast on him in reverence (13). Not infrequent, those twigs are just painted across the breast and by the side of the donator's head, without being hold with the hand (again 11).So, we see, the Uigurs at the time of their Kingdom at Ko-ch'o did not adopt the Chinese way of sitting on chairs, but remained on the floor, on mats and small carpets.
著者
三王 昌代
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.91, no.1, pp.130-104, 2009-06

According to such Chinese sources as Da Ming Shi Lu and Da Qing Li Chao Shi Lu, several diplomatic missions were sent from Sulu to China during the years 1417-24 and 1726-63, during the Ming and the Qing Periods respectively. The present article deals with a Malay document written in Arabic script, called Jawi, which consists of a diplomatic message dispatched by Sultan Muhammad Azim al-Din of the Sulu Sultanate to China in the ninth month of the hijra year 1198 (1784 AD), some twenty years after the aforementioned missions. This diplomatic message was submitted to Emperor Qianlong through the hands of many officials, including the tongzhi 同知 of Xiamen (Amoy), the xunfu 巡撫 of Fujian, and the zongdu 総督 of Fujian and Zhejiang.After describing the circumstances that led to an exchange of documents between Sulu and China, the author deciphers this Jawi document and conducts a detailed analysis of its contents, including a comparison with a public letter addressed to Sulu in 1782 and with the Chinese translation of the document, which was included in a Qing official's memorial to Emperor Qianlong in 1784.The results of the comparison show that both countries shared a common view of a villain who, engaged in foreign trade, and embezzled the takings, and of the quantity of silver and other merchandise that must be returned to Sulu. On the other hand, there are differences in expression or in recognition as to whether the Emperor's instructions had been widely transmitted throughout the Sulu Sultanate. Moreover, the honorific expression for the Sultan himself in the opening sentence of the original was replaced in the corresponding part of the translation by some words that express deference to the Chinese Emperor. Also added is a tribute of respect and gratitude to the Emperor, which was nonexistent in the original. It may be reasonably concluded that the translation was not so much a literal rendering of the original as something close to the expressions in the 1782 public letter addressed to Sulu.Although Jawi documents in general have rarely been used in historical study, this particular source seems to be of great value in understanding diplomatic as well as economic relations between the two countries.
著者
鶴間 和幸
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.77, no.1, pp.p1-31, 1995-10

Simaqian the historian compiled the Xia (夏) Yin (殷) Zhou (周) Qin (秦) and Qinshihuang Benji as pre-history of the Han (漢) in order to write the Wudi (武帝) Benji as a modern history. Both Wudi and Qinshihuang's behavior patterns were similar according to Simaqian's account. As Qinshihuang's image in Qinshihuang Benji is unacceptable as the real image, the purpose of this paper is to clarify the real image of Qinshihuang by analyzing the historical background of the writing. Descriptions of Qinshihuang Benji are classified into a chronological section, the traditional section of the Warring States and a section on the legend that Simaqian himself collected from various places. There is no difference in the quantity among chronological descriptions, but Simaqian put legends, inscriptions, imperial edicts and memorials to the Throne in the section of a chronicle with emphasis. We must recognize that Qinshihuang Benji is a Qin history written from a stand-point of Simaqian, seeing how an increased description was inserted. When Simaqian was twenty years old, he visited historic sites and recorded legends of Qinshihuang. Though this trip was not intended to visit the historic sites of Qinshihuang, the route was similar to Qinshihuang's inspection tour. Simaqian attended Wudi as a government official from the second tour of the total seven tours and during these tours he saw more of Qinshihuang's ruins. Other than these experiences, he referred to a discussion on the history for destinies of Qin dynasty advocated by the bureaucrats in the beginning of the former Han, such as Jiayi (賈誼). But he had initiated an original viewpoint that the era of unified empire is distinguished from the era of Warring State Qin, for he had lived in the era of Wudi. Simaqian had drawn a conclusion to the history of the Qin Empire, dividing it into Qin Benji and Qinshihuang Benji.
著者
窪添 慶文
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.88, no.3, pp.301-308, 2006-12
著者
山下 将司
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.85, no.2, pp.173-203, 2003-09

The Xuanwumen incident (玄武門の変) which occurred in A.D. 626 involved Prince Lishimin 李世民 killing his brother Jiancheng 建成, the crown prince of the Tang 唐 dynasty, and coercing his father Liyuan 李淵, the first emperor of the dynasty, to relinquish the throne. This incident is usually regarded as either sibling rivalry or a court dispute over the title of crown prince and has been considered to have had no influence on the political structure of the dynasty. Therefore, the recent research has not taken into consideration the concerned parties in the incident. For example, there were a number of natives of Shangdong 山東 among Lishimin's retainers, particularly natives of Qiji 斉済 (Qijun 斉郡 and Jibeijun 済北郡 of the Sui 隋 period). They had been affiliated with Limi 李密, a revolutionary at the end of the Sui period. After Limi's defeat, they came to serve the Tang dynasty under Lishimin. It was Fangxuanling 房玄齢 (the right hand man of Lishimin and the ringleader of the Xuanwumen incident) who organized this group under Lishimin. Fang was a member of the Qinghefang family (清河房氏), which had been influential in the Qiji area since the 460s and had continuously produced many regional officials of the Qiji area during the Sui period. Furthermore, Limi's right hand man was also of Fang's lineage. It can be said that the natives of the Qiji area who were once active under Limi formed a strong group supporting Lishimin under the direction of Fang.Meanwhile, Emperor Liyuan began to disperse Lishimin's group and organize his retainers into the Twelve Guanzhong Armies (関中十二軍) as a countermeasure against the Turks (突厥) in A.D. 625. It was a move to transfer the central force of the Tang dynasty from his second son's retinue to his own. The Xuanwumen incident broke out when antagonism between the emperor and his son reached a climax as the result of a collision between two disparate power bases.
著者
樋口 秀実
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.93, no.1, pp.27-53, 2011-06
著者
樋口 秀実
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.93, no.1, pp.27-53, 2011-06

The present article discusses the erection in July 1940 of the "National Temple of the Sun Goddess," dedicated to Amaterasu Okami 天照大神, in order to discover its contribution to the psychological integration of the new state's citizenry. Some research already exists on the process of the Temple's erection and its significance, which emphasizes such points as since the Temple was erected to worship the Sun Goddess, it was for all intents and purposes merely an attempt to import Japan's state Shinto religion into Manchukuo. The discussion then turns to the extent to which Japan was determined to "religiously infiltrate" Manchuria. The author argues on the contrary that the fact of the Temple being erected as a national place of religious worship makes it necessary to raise the question of to what extent it furthered the spiritual integration of the new nation. Manchukuo being a state created almost overnight by the Japanese Guandong Army, it was divided with the memory of political events and trends of the previous Three-Provincial Government regime. Another point is how Manchukuo intended to deal with the state's multi-ethnic population. Therefore, a plan for psychological integration by raising national identity and consciousness must have been an important issue for stabilizing the governance of the new state. It is in this vein that the author reexamines the process of erecting the Temple and its significance, while asking the questions 1) why a national temple worshipping Japan's Sun Goddess would be deemed appropriate in the light of ethnic cooperation being cited as the original rationale for state formation, 2) how much success did the Temple have in national psychological integration, and 3) if unsuccessful, what was its significance in terms of church and state issues. The Temple was erected for two reasons. The first stemmed from attempts by the imperial court's interests in Manchukuo to strengthen the imperial authority of Puyi, and the second from attempts by Japanese bureaucrats in the Manchukuo government to gain a greater say in political affairs vis-à-vis the Guandong Army. These two civil-political forces were interested in subordinating the Army to the authority of the Emperor of Manchukuo and limiting its level of intervention in the state's political process, by turning the spirit of Japan's deep military allegiance to the emperor against the Army in making the Sun Goddess, the founding ancestor of Japan's imperial family, also the founder and guardian spirit of Manchukuo. From his analysis of the political backdrop on which the Temple was erected, the author concludes that the event made no significant contribution to the psychological integration of the Manchukuo nation. The Temple, which was where Puyi placed the sacred mirror which he brought from Japan as the symbol of his imperial authority, was, nevertheless, unable to play the role as Manchukuo's equivalent of Japan's Ise Shrine.

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著者
河野 六郎
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.3, pp.p257-279, 1978-03

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著者
河野 六郎
出版者
東洋文庫
雑誌
東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)
巻号頁・発行日
vol.59, no.3, pp.p257-279, 1978-03

Among the Liu-shu 六書 (Six Kinds of Writing), the classification of Chinese characters which was in use in teaching the children of nobles during the Chou dynasty, only chuan-chu has not yet been explained although various opinions have been offered by many scholars since early times. The reason lies in the ambiguity of the definition and the examples given in the Shuo-wên 説文. Many scholars, Tai Chên 戴震 among others, have confirmed that in some way similar to chia-chieh 假借 (phonetic loan) chuan-chu describes a certain way of using characters, but exactly what use has remained unclear.Having some acquaintance with the usage of the logographic systems of Egyptian and cuneiform writings, the writer has found a use of characters that may offer an explanation of chuan-chu. It is the homographic use of a character applied to another word which is semantically associated to the word for which the character had originally been made. This usage could occasionally be seen, as in the characters 車 or 楽. In the archaic records of China, more examples can be found. The wording of the definition of the definition of chuan-chu and its examples in the Shuo-wên is made intelligible if we assume that it is an homographic use of a character among semantically related words.