著者

柿沼 陽平

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.2, pp.1-30, 2022-09-16

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In ancient China, there was a long-standing emphasis on hairdressing and aversion to baldness of the head. The Classic of Filial Piety (Xiaojing 孝經) states that harming the body and cutting hair are “unfilial.” However, with the arrival of Buddhism, Buddhists who encouraged baldness and shaving emerged. How, then, did Buddhists encourage hair loss based on their doctrine? This paper aims to examine the Buddhist shaving advocacy during the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties. The origins of the Indian Buddhist defense of shaving are long-established, especially in the Milinda Pañha. In China, the culture of shaving was introduced along with Buddhism. As early as the Three Kingdoms period, a Chinese translation of the Buddhist scriptures compiled in the Wu Kingdom explained the importance of shaving. Among the pseudo-sutras compiled independently in China, the Lihuolun 理惑論 was an early exponent of the importance of shaving hair for the Huaxia people. The Lihuolun, citing precedents from the Huaxia world, argued for the importance of shaving. This attempted to exploit contradictions in traditional Chinese culture, and the way of arguments was carried on by later generations. However, a different line of argument emerged in the later period of the Northern and Southern Dynasties. Buddhist shaving advocacy at the time was not monolithic, with individual Buddhist monks confronting shaving critics separately. Many of them intentionally quoted precedents from the Huaxia world in their defense of shaving, which was a characteristic of Buddhist shaving advocacy at the time. This is not to say that the criticism of Buddhist shaving disappeared. The Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou promoted the suppression of Buddhism. Although he accepted the study of Buddhism in the Tongdao Guan 通道觀 temple, he disapproved of shaving. Shi Dao’an 釋道安 opposed this, and Fan Pukuang 樊普曠 tried to persuade the Emperor Wu, but the situation did not change, and even the Emperor Tianyuan (Tianyuan huangdi 天元皇帝), who tried to revive Buddhism, disapproved of shaving. It was challenging to break the criticism of Buddhist shaving based on the Xiaojing during the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties. Thus, with the insistence of Buddhists at the time on shaving their hair, we can see a point of conflict between traditional Chinese culture and Buddhist culture.

著者

久芳 崇

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.84, no.1, pp.33-54, 2002-06

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Researchers have conventionally theorized that the first firearms to reach China during the Ming Period were of Portuguese manufacture, but since the Chinese were not able to duplicate them in their complexity, Portuguese firearms would only become common after the 1548 attack on Shuang-yu 双嶼 by the Ming army, which had obtained firearms from its Japanese prisoners.In the mid-16th century generals like Qi Ji-guang 威継光 made efforts to obtain firearms, which proved useful in feuding off Japanese pirates (Wo kou 倭寇) and the defense of the northern territories.It is not very clear, however, just how common firearms really were in China during the early 17th century, and improved versions like those used by the Japanese in the invasion of Korea do not seem to have been known to the Ming dynasty.On the other hand, the thousands of Japanese taken prisoner during the War played an important part in the diffusion of firearms in Korea, and it seems reasonable to assume the same situation occurred in China.Previous research has not taken into account how the firearms obtained from the Japanese were put to use by the Ming army, and how they influenced the spread of improved firearms during the period.In this article, the author discusses how firearms the Ming army took from Japanese during the fighting in Korea were later used to suppress Yang Ying-long’s 楊応龍 revolt in Bo zhou 播州 and also examines how these improved weapons spread to Ming China, a point that has received little scholarly attention to date.

著者

会田 大輔

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.91, no.2, pp.193-224, 2009-09

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During the Wei, Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties periods, inspectors (cishi 刺史) of regional administrative districts (zhou州) were given the title, jiangjun 将軍 (generalissimo) before being dispatched to the districts they were to inspect. Serving under them were local officials, zhou zuo 州佐, whose duty it was to serve not only the cishi but also regional administrators (fu zuo 府佐) whom manned the jiangjun’s government. Little research has been conducted to date on the raison d’être of this bureaucracy, called zhoufu liaozuo 州府僚佐, through the Northern Wei and Sui periods, despite the fact that understanding how the zhoufu liaozuo system was organized and continued from dynasty to dynasty would 1) shed light on the characteristics of the local administrative systems of each dynasty and 2) allow us to reconsider the impact of the local administrative reform implemented by the Sui Dynasty.Unfortunately few sources remain explaining how the zhoufu liaozuo system operated during the latter half of the Northern Wei period, leaving its specifics unknown, despite its role as the origin of the Northern Dynasties and Sui Dynasty administrative systems. There is one extant source, however, a stone epitaph recently discovered in Ning 寧 Prefecture, Gansu 甘粛 Province that could help shed more light on how the system actually worked during the latter half of the Northern Wei period. The so called “Shangongsi-bei" 山公寺碑 was erected during the first year of the Zhengshi 正始 era by Shan Lei 山累, the cishi of Binzhou 豳州. The front and the back of the epitaph contain lists of the names of as many as 210 members of the zhoufu liaozuo bureaucracy and other local officials at the xian 県 level, more names than provided by any other source related to the period.This article attempts to unveil more details about the zhoufu liaozuo system through an analysis of Shangong-si epitaph, which indicates both specific titles and the hierarchical characteristics of the system. The source also provides evidence that many bureaucrats without aristocratic titles (liuwai-guan 流外官) were members of the zhoufu liaozuo governance mechanism. The epitaph also reveals that there were many non-Han Chinese inhabiting Binzhou at that time, some of whom held positions of power and rank ranging from the zhou to the xian level. Consequently, the author concludes that in Binzhou, efforts were made to incorporate influential non-Han Chinese local leaders into the dynastic order by installing them as zhouzuo or the liuwai bureaucrats at the regional government level.

著者

会田 大輔

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.96, no.4, pp.31-65, 2015-03

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After the fall of the Northern Wei Dynasty in 534, the Western Wei and subsequent Northern Zhou Dynasties abolished the current bureaucratic system in favor of the six ministries system (Liuguan-Zhi 六官制) originally laid out in the Zhouli 周礼.However, even today there are many things we do not know about this system, although in recent years research comparing the Liuguan and Sui Dynasty bureaucracies has progressed. Unfortunately, our insufficient knowledge about the former has posed a hindrance to such comparative research.Moreover, in order to improve our understanding about the political history of the Northern Zhou Dynasty, it is necessary to clarify the relationship between the Liuguan system and the Bafu 覇府, the military headquarters from which Yuwen Tai, Yuwen Hu and Yang Jian (founder of the Sui Dynasty) wielded actual power.Although research is progressing on the institutions close to the emperor, like the Neishi 内史(governor of the capital) and Yuzheng 御正 (chancellors of the imperial household), during the first half of the Dynasty’s reign, these posts did not form the core of governance, due to the hegemony of Yuwen Hu. In order to contribute to the growing research, the present article takes up the Imperial Ministry’s (Tianguan天官) post of Sihui Zhongdaifu 司会中大夫, who during the era of Yuwen Hu acted as his assistant in coordinating the affairs of the Liuguan ministries.The research to date had understood Sihui as the minister of fiscal affairs and its control over the Liuguan System was thought to have been a temporaryone. On the other hand, Jiao Peimin 焦培民, identifies the Northern Zhou Sihui as performing the same duties as the head of the Executive Branch (Shangshu-Sheng 尚書省) of the Northern Wei’s three ministry system; however, since the Northern Zhou purposefully dismantled that ministry, it is difficult to conceive of the Sihui performing the same function.Instead, the purpose of this article is to analyze the functions of and appointees to the post of Sihui, in an attempt to clarify the relationship between the Northern Zhou’s Liuguan system and the Bafu.Based on the main text of the Zhouli and commentaries on it written by Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 during the last decades of the Later Han Dynasty, the author concludes that while the Northern Zhou Sihui was an appointment similar in function to the head of the former Shengshu Ministry, his authority was much diminished compared to his Northern Wei counterpart and consisted of coordinating proposals submitted by the Liuguan bureaus and reporting back the policy decisions made concerning them.Nevertheless, the post of Sihui was indispensable to the maintenance of the regime, ensuring the smooth functioning of government.For this reason, the Sihui was also appointed by the Yuwens and Yang Jian as a trusted member of the Bafu general staff and put in charge of administrative affairs, clearly showing an intimate relationship between the Liuguan system and the Bafu, as well as revealing one important characteristic of the Northern Zhou Dynasty’s bureaucratic structure.

著者

鈴木 真

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.83, no.3, pp.319-348, 2001-12

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This article analyzes fiscal problems existing before and after the enthronement of Emperor Yongzheng 雍正帝, taking the cases of auditing the silver reserves of the Board of Revenue and its deficits. Then, the author clarifies the relationship between regulations concerning corruption by the bureaucracy concerned with the fiscal affairs and the establishment of Imperial power.Emperor Yongzheng, who was well informed about fiscal corruption, intended to grapple with reform as soon as he ascended the throne.The establishment of Imperial power and taking hold of the empire's purse strings were indivisible. Solving of the silver reserve deficit was an immediate problem.Yongzheng ordered Yi Qinwang 恰親王 and Boldo, who had been his advisors since he was a prince, to audit the silver reserves of the Board of Revenue. Consequently, it was found in the silver deficit amounted to two million six hundred thousand liang.Yongzheng ordered former members of the Board to compensate the deficit. However, there were some bureaucrats who did not comply. They were Manchu bannermen. This fact suggests that the substance of the deficit did not involve simple illegal acts by bureaucrats but it was related to Manchu bannermen.From such a viewpoint, the author clarifies the background of the deficit caused by Board member Hifene and a clerical official of the Reserves, Zeng Dengyun 曽登雲, in order to detail the embezzlement.Emperor Kangxi 康煕帝's princes participated in both cases. Especially in the case of Zeng Dengyun, fiscal administration was affected by the embezzlements caused by vertical relationships among the Eight Banners, between banner princes and banner bureaucrats, and their bondservants, or between banner bureaucrats and their employees.Therefore, Yongzheng, who intended to establish his power, had to carry out reform immediately after his enthronement. Furthermore, the fact Yongzheng appointed followers under his influence to the bureaucracy and tried to resolve the fiscal problems suggests a necessity to understand the fiscal history of the Qing dynasty in terms of the influence of the Eight Banners.

著者

髙橋 亮一

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.104, no.4, pp.1-26, 2023-03-17

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This paper analyzes how the events of the Russo-Japanese War affected the international relations between Japan, Russia, Britain, and the United States, in the context of the fur seal industry in the Sea of Okhotsk and the Bering Sea. In the 1890s, Great Britain, the United States, and Russia established a protection zone for sea mammals in these regions. On the other hand, Japan actively encouraged the hunting of sea mammals through the promulgation of the Pelagic Fisheries Encouragement Law of 1897. Thereafter, the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War brought into sharp focus the opposition between these sea mammal protection provisions and Japan’s policy of promoting pelagic sealing activities. During the war, Japanese fishermen jumped on the opportunity provided by the war to fish in Russian territory.The Japanese government initially called for restraint in this regard from its fishermen. However, when in the spring of 1905 a plan was formed by Japan to occupy Sakhalin, it saw in sea mammal protection activities by Russia and Britain a possibility of expanding the war zone. During the invasion of Sakhalin, in July 1905 the Japanese military successfully advanced into the Sea of Okhotsk by conducting warship patrols under the guise of protecting sea mammals. When the southern half of Sakhalin was acquired by Japan via the Treaty of Portsmouth, Tyuleny Island was also incorporated into Japanese territory, and this meant that Japan would therefore take over from Russia the international responsibility of protecting sea mammals. The possession of Tyuleny Island was a factor in the Japanese government’s change of direction toward contributing to sea mammal protection and hunting industry control. Japanese diplomatic policy on sea mammal protection was crafted while taking into account the international relations and treaties in this context, and this created a chance for the nation to become embedded in the international regime of sea mammal protection.

著者

黒岩 高

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.86, no.3, pp.421-455, 2004-12

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The Muslim rebellion that arose in Northwest China between 1862 and 1878 is one of the most momentous series of events in Chinese Muslim history. Although it has mostly attracted attention as a symbol of the century of revolt, regional differences within the rebellion has yet to be sufficiently argued. By focusing on the rebellion’s local character, this paper aims to offer a new perspective on the rebellion itself, proposing an approach for correlating regional characteristics with the religious basis of the Chinese Muslim society. This paper focuses on the areas of Shangxi and Gansu, for each shows distinctive regional differences. Through an examination of the roles played by rebellion leaders in each region regarding the maintenance of local social order, the following can be conceived.The Muslim society of Shangxi was characterized by Xue (学), based on a tradition of Islamic Holy scripture scholarship. And the recognition of Ahongs, the leaders of the community, was grounded in an understanding of scripture with concerns exclusively on sustaining the ethical standard of their own community. Therefore, they did not participate in the non-Muslim social order and had no intent to coordinate cooperation with other communitiesOn the other hand, the Menhuan shaykhs of Gansu formed networks within a fluid Jiao (教) society; and out of a necessity to manage their community alliances, they took authority over various mundane matters and leaned towards regional integration. In addition, local administrators hoped to take advantage of them and set the conditions under which they would become the leaders within the local order.It is hardly a coincidence that the local aspects of Muslim society produced a rebellion in Xue Muslim society that was rather separatist, while producing an uprising with characteristics tending towards regional integration in Jiao Muslim society. Thus, it can be said that the rebellions in Shangxi and Gansu possessed different relevance, each reflecting local circumstances. In this respect, what has been said about unity and solidarity within rebellions should be at least questioned in the future study of them.

著者

バレット トーマス

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.100, no.3, pp.59-93, 2018-12

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The Qing’s fledgling diplomatic system in the late 19th century was supported both domestically and abroad by Westerners employed as diplomatic staff in its legations and consulates; as auxiliary advisors primarily outsourced from the Imperial Maritime Customs Service on an ad-hoc basis by provincial governors; and by Robert Hart, Inspector General of the Imperial Maritime Customs Service. However, scholars have yet to provide an in-depth analysis of the role and significance of the Western staff in the Qing’s legations and consulates. In order to begin to clarify the role of such individuals, this paper analyses the function of Halliday Macartney, a Scotsman who served as Counsellor to the Qing Legation in London, in informal negotiations during the Sino-French War which were overseen by his direct superior Zeng Jize, the then incumbent Qing Minister to Britain and Russia. Past studies have typically portrayed Zeng’s diplomacy as a singlehanded effort, and have failed to recognise the contributions of Macartney. This author demonstrates how, in the case of Zeng’s diplomacy during the Sino-French War, while ultimate accountability lay with Zeng, Macartney was responsible for: (1) overseeing informal negotiations with agents of the French government; (2) acting as go-between for the Qing Legation with the British Foreign Office when attempting to elicit both formal and informal British assistance; and (3) drawing up all treaty drafts produced by the Qing London Legation in this period. Moreover, this paper demonstrates how Macartney’s bicultural identity and bicultural understanding benefited the Qing side in these negotiations. It argues that Macartney’s social standing within European society, and the concomitant personal networks it enabled, helped to initiate the informal negotiations referred to above. It further demonstrates how Macartney’s multilingual talents and familiarity with both traditional Chinese and Westphalian systems of interstate relations enabled him, in a last-ditch attempt at achieving rapprochement between the two parties, to clarify for the French side the enigmatic demands of the Qing relating to a purely nominal acceptance of the continuation of the ‘suzerain-vassal’ relationship between China and Vietnam, after accepting French sovereignty over Vietnam. The author concludes that Zeng’s diplomacy ought to be interpreted in light of these contributions by Macartney.

著者

大塚 修

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.2, pp.029-036, 2020-09-17

著者

鈴木 真

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.83, no.3, pp.319-348, 2001-12

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This article analyzes fiscal problems existing before and after the enthronement of Emperor Yongzheng 雍正帝, taking the cases of auditing the silver reserves of the Board of Revenue and its deficits. Then, the author clarifies the relationship between regulations concerning corruption by the bureaucracy concerned with the fiscal affairs and the establishment of Imperial power.Emperor Yongzheng, who was well informed about fiscal corruption, intended to grapple with reform as soon as he ascended the throne.The establishment of Imperial power and taking hold of the empire’s purse strings were indivisible. Solving of the silver reserve deficit was an immediate problem.Yongzheng ordered Yi Qinwang 恰親王 and Boldo, who had been his advisors since he was a prince, to audit the silver reserves of the Board of Revenue. Consequently, it was found in the silver deficit amounted to two million six hundred thousand liang.Yongzheng ordered former members of the Board to compensate the deficit. However, there were some bureaucrats who did not comply. They were Manchu bannermen. This fact suggests that the substance of the deficit did not involve simple illegal acts by bureaucrats but it was related to Manchu bannermen.From such a viewpoint, the author clarifies the background of the deficit caused by Board member Hifene and a clerical official of the Reserves, Zeng Dengyun 曽登雲, in order to detail the embezzlement.Emperor Kangxi 康煕帝’s princes participated in both cases. Especially in the case of Zeng Dengyun, fiscal administration was affected by the embezzlements caused by vertical relationships among the Eight Banners, between banner princes and banner bureaucrats, and their bondservants, or between banner bureaucrats and their employees.Therefore, Yongzheng, who intended to establish his power, had to carry out reform immediately after his enthronement. Furthermore, the fact Yongzheng appointed followers under his influence to the bureaucracy and tried to resolve the fiscal problems suggests a necessity to understand the fiscal history of the Qing dynasty in terms of the influence of the Eight Banners.

著者

柳谷 あゆみ

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.99, no.1, pp.01-017, 2017-06

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Tārīkh al-dawla al-Atābakīya mulūk al-Mawṣil li-Ibn al-Athīr (Ms. ARABE 1898, Paris) is the only extant manuscript recognized as Ibn al-Athīr’s dynastic history titled al-Tārīkh al-bāhir fi al-dawla al-Atābakīya. Based on this manuscript De Slane published a revised edition in 1876, and then in 1963 Ṭulaymāt published a newly revised edition. Currently the latter is mainly utilized for research as an improved version of De Slane’s edition. In his work, Ṭulaymāt improved the technical inadequacy of De Slane’s edition and refuted (or ignored) De Slane’s claim of the existence of additions to the manuscript in later eras. Focusing on this point, the author of this article examined the descriptions of the manuscript and compared the two editions based on the same manuscript to make clear its contents and the later additions. For verification, since no other manuscript of al-Bāhir has been found, the author utilized as comparative materials two historical texts, Abū Shāma’s Kitāb al-Rawḍatayn and Ibn Qādī Shuhba’s al-Kawākib al-Durrīya, which include many quotations from al-Bāhir. As a result of the close examination, the author selected for detailed textual criticism two chapters, Chap. 97 and Chap. 133, which were suspected of being added to the original text in a later era. Chap. 97 is the chapter which De Slane had considered it as an addition, while Ṭulaymāt did not. The author examined the description and confirmed the authenticity of De Slane’s argument. As for Chap. 133, to which both editors paid no particular attention, the author pointed that its description was possibly not from Ibn al-Athīr’s text, but added from Abū Shāma’s text, by comparing the texts and checking the word “qultu” (= I said) in the texts, which indicated the description was not a quotation.As a result of the examination, the author concluded that the manuscript was supposed to contain some complements from the descriptions which were left in the form of citations by other historical materials which have gone missing.

著者

辻 大地

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.98, no.4, pp.01-025, 2017-03

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While it is commonly known that sexual and love relations between men in pre-modern society, including that of the ‘Abbāsid Period, were widespread, most of the historical research to date has regarded such relations as synonymous with modern concepts of “homosexuality.” In addition, historians tend to be of the opinion that what may be called the “essentialist” concept of “Islamic homosexuality” has been embraced consistently regardless of time or place, when trying to understand male-male sexual relationships of various places and different periods. In recent years more and more research is being done that reexamines these conventional views. In particular, the research on the Ottoman Period has begun to relocate male-male sexual relationships within the context of sexuality as a whole. Unfortunately, the ‘Abbāsid period has yet to be so reconsidered, mainly due to a paucity of historical sources regarding sexuality during that time. Given such circumstances, the present article is an attempt to show one facet of sexuality at the time, through a consideration of male-male sexual relationships in the ‘Abbāsid period. For this purpose, the author conducts an analysis of the discourse presented in the al-Jāḥiẓ’s Kitāb Mufākhara al-Jawārī wa al-Ghilmān (The Book of the Boasting Match between Girls and Boys) which is almost the only historical material written dealing explicitly with the subject of sexuality. The analysis shows that there was a distinction between “adult males” and “non adult-males,” including not only females but boys, adolescents and so on, with respect to sexual relationships. Moreover, this distinction seems to correspond to a distinction between active and passive roles in sexual intercourse. The author concludes that sexual relationships at the time were based not on modern binary sexual categories of male and female, but rather on a different category fluctuating between “adult males” and “non adult-males.”

著者

中島 楽章

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.4, pp.33-62, 2022-03-17

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This article discusses the development of maritime trade during the early reign of Emperor Hongwu 洪武, spanning the firm establishment of the Ming Empire in 1368 and the abolition of the Maritime Trade Supervisorates (shibosi 市舶司) in 1374, by examining the Chinese, Korean and Japanese primary sources. Emperor Hongwu repeatedly issued maritime restriction edicts and strictly prohibited private maritime voyages shortly after his enthronement, probably in response to the revolts of maritime bandits of Lanxiushan 蘭秀山 in the Zhoushan Islands. In late 1371, Hongwu again issued a maritime restriction edict to protect the imperial fleet carrying provisions for the military campaign in Liaodong 遼東. Thereafter, he ordered strict maritime restrictions along the Zhejiang 浙江 coast, not allowing even fishing boats to sail the high seas. On the other hand, Hongwu proactively dispatched envoys to neighboring countries immediately after his enthronement, in order to persuade them to conduct tribute trade with his court. In addition, he established Maritime Trade Supervisorates in all the main trading ports, entrusting to them the regulation of private trading ships and the collection of custom duties. He also encouraged private sector maritime trade, such as accepting “contributions” from the merchants in Quanzhou 泉州. Among its neighbors, the Goryeo 高麗 Kingdom was particularly active in promoting the tribute trade; and Hongwu reciprocated by recognizing duty exemptions for Goryeo envoys and the private traders accompanying their tribute ships, resulting the bulk of commodities brought from Goryeo being carried in private bottoms. On the other hand, disputes over the tribute trade with Japan could not be settled despite Hongwu’s efforts to negotiate a settlement with the Muromachi Shogunate. This did not prevent many Japanese, especially Zen monks, from traveling to China on the trading ships that did sail between the two countries. Among the countries of Southeast Asia, the Kingdom of Ayutthaya vigorously promoted the tribute trade, given the close relations between the Thai royal house and Chinese immigrants. Furthermore, the fact that Hongwu ordered the voluminous amount of pepper imported from the Sanfoqi 三佛齊 (Strait of Malay region) to be allotted for purchasing provisions for Chinese garrisons along the northwest border reveals the huge scale of the Southseas (Nanhai 南海) trade being conducted by tribute and other trading ships at that time. Since no records of private maritime trade between the Ming Dynasty and its neighbors can be found after the abolition of the three Maritime Trade Supervisorates on late 1374, it is highly probable that the consolidation of the Tribute Trade and the Maritime Restrictions system came about at that moment, exacerbated by rising diplomatic and military tensions along the inland and maritime borders of the Ming Empire. Then in 1376, Hongwu also prohibited foreign trade along the northwestern border, resulting in the greater part of both maritime and inland foreign commerce being subsumed under the tribute trade system.

著者

青木 竜一

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.4, pp.1-31, 2022-03-17

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It has frequently been characterized of imperial dynastic China that its main military objective was to maintain the institutions of the state and the social order based on the emperor and the bureaucracy that served him. This means that the military had to be a part of the bureaucracy to achieve that objective. That being said, this bureaucratization of the military did not entirely coincide with the establishment of imperial dynastic governance. It is therefore appropriate to ask when and how bureaucratization was actually achieved. This article focuses on the military under the Later Han Dynasty, in order to clarify aspects of its bureaucratic character. In particular, the author addresses the following point focusing on the notion of decorum: that is, whether it was regarded as proper for the military to be controlled by the emperor and the imperial court. The author begins with a review of the principle that “State affairs should not be interfered in by the military, and military affairs should not be interfered in by the state” and how it was perceived during the Later Han Period. The author then addresses the discussions in the White Tiger Hall held during the reign of Emperor Zhang, which were decisive for spreading the notion of decorum, and analyzes perceptions held regarding the military at the time based on Baihu Tong, which summarizes the results of those discussions. As described there, the philosophy of The Methods of Sima relates to “the principles in the Spring and Autumn Annals” and ideas in the weft texts. On the other hand, “military ritual” of the Han Dynasty had followed The Methods of Sima since the second half of the Former Han Period. The author concludes that Han perceptions from The Methods of Sima connected with “military ritual” and “the ritual regulations for meeting each other” determined the notion of decorum, which was developed during the Former Han period, and was then adopted by the Later Han Dynasty, leading to the bureaucratization of the military.

著者

田中 雅人

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.102, no.4, pp.01-032, 2021-03-15

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In 1861, the Ottoman Government established a special district in Mount Lebanon, which embodied the principle of proportionate-sectarian representation as opposed to the conventional mode of rule by the local Druze lords. However, the details of the complex process of reintegrating the autonomous local ruler into the new regime remain uncertain, and need to be closely reexamined. Overdue discussion of the sectarian land survey of 1862 to 1869 thus offers excellent insights into this question. The communal conflict of 1841–60, being the crucial background for the new administration in Mount Lebanon, broke out as the tension between the local Druze lords and the Maronite clergy-led peasants peaked following a proclamation to abolish tax-farming in the Ottoman State. The debates of the representatives of the Ottoman Government and the Five European Powers who interfered in the conflict reveals that they saw the establishing of a new order in Mount Lebanon as entailing the separation of the Druze and Maronite sects. To achieve this, the Government and the European Powers deemed the individualization of land ownership as a prerequisite since they understood that the existing unequal share of land revenue between the two sects was the main reason for the unrest. Analysis of the locally preserved land records of the sectarian mixed village in the Shūf sub-district shows that although the calculation and assessment of the land revenue relied on native methods, every land plot and its revenues in the village are listed by sect (Druze, Maronite, and Greek-Catholic), and are recorded under the names of the proprietors. However, the fact that the land tax remained to be collected in each village en bloc indicates the incomplete individualization of property rights. Nevertheless, the unification of tax collection to each village signifies that they became independent administrative units, and it was a pragmatic measure to retract the hereditary rights of powerful local lords as tax-farmers. This point is particularly evident in the successive failures of the earlier efforts of land surveys in the 1840s, which attempted to register each property individually. Therefore, by designating each village a sole collector of the land tax, and allocating the burden by sect, the sectarian land survey dismantled the established rule of the local lords under the tax-farming system and envisaged an independent sectarian entity in return for taxation. It was at this point that even the Druze notables, who had claimed their ancestral right during the conflict of 1841–60, readily applied sectarian language to their political discourse.

著者

鈴木 陵二

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.81, no.3, pp.402-408, 1999-12

著者

近藤 信彰

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.76, no.1・2, pp.053-083, 1994-10

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It has been pointed out that local elites who de facto ruled provinces played the important role in Iranian society during 18th and 19th centuries. The purpose of this paper is, as a case study of these elites, to analyze public buildings and Vaqf endowments of Moḥammad Taqī Khān and his family in Yazd province and to examine their contribution to the local society and their social and economic background.Public buildings of Moḥammad Taqī Khān who ruled Yazd from 1748 to 1798 fall into three categories: (a) buildings in the suburb of Yazd city, like qanāts and baāhs (gardens), (b) buildings in the bazar area of Yazd city, like a madrasa, commercial establishments and a public square, (c) buildings in Taft, like qanāts and agricultural land. These buildings became political, economic and cultural center of Yazd city and promoted the city expansion to the suburb. His 1755’s vaqf endowment covers the expense of the madrasa which he built and by 1797-8’s vaqf deed he decided the terms for maintenance of qanāts. His children succeeded his activities and built a lot of qanāts, bāghs, and agricultural land. At last his family’s endowments reached about 40% of all vaqf endowments in Yazd. These activities not only sound investments and means to hold estate but also good deeds for local society and means to get local support to their government in Yazd. The fact that they controlled the finance of local government and employed it freely made these activities possible.We may, therefore, reasonably concluded that Moḥammad Taqī Khān and his family had a solid social and economical base in the local society as a result of these activities. And I suppose that the existence of such local elites as Moḥammad Taqī Khān had a strong influence on the structure of Qajar dynasty that united Iran again.

著者

尾崎 貴久子

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.88, no.3, pp.336-364, 2006-12

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There are twelve food names and simple recipes for each under the heading “huihui shihp’in” 回回食品 in the Chücia Piyung Shihlei, seven of which are transliterated into Chinese characters from their original languages Arabic, Persian or Turkish. There is the Persian sweetmeat, shakarbūra, the Turkish pasta dish, ṭuṭumāj, the Arabic flour porridge, harīsa and four Arabic sweetmeats, fālūdhaj, ḥalwā’, qurṣ zalābīya. Thc other five names are paraphrastic translations appearing as Chinese ideographs: samosa (chüanchienping), rice porridge (kaomi), sweet and sour meat stew (suant’ang), savory bottled custard (hailossŭ), and stuffed lung (hêhsifei).According to the Arabic sources regarding the seven transliterated foods, five (other than shakarbūra and qurṣ) were popular and well-known throughout the Islamic world during the 13th century and were often served at parties and on festival days. Harīsa, fālūdhaj, ḥalwā’ and zalābīya were also sold at food stands in the markets of the eastern Islamic world. Shakarbūra, however, is found only in Persian sources; and there is no sweetmeat in either the Arabic or Persian sources resembling qurṣ, Ḥalwā’ and ṭuṭumāj first appeared in the Arabic sources in the 13th century, which implies that the Chinese description of “huihui Shihp’in” 回回食品 was written around that time.Four of the five foods appearing in paraphrastic translation have their counterparts in the extant medieval Arabic cookbooks, and nothing resembling stuffed lung hêhsifei can be found.The reason why the recipes for “huihui shihp’in” 回回食品 do not call for the spices that were generally used in the Islamic world is because the Chüchia Piyung Shihlei was compiled for Han people who had no actual intention of cooking for Muslims or trying to obtain the rare spices in the original dishes. Rather, the description of Muslim food in the Chinese sources was provided for members of the Mongol ruling elite and Han bureaucrats and wealthy bourgeois who had found it necessary to know about Muslim cuisine in order to entertain highly ranked Muslims who came into their company, since most Chinese sources of the time reflect nothing but loathing for Muslims in general.Notwithstanding, the descriptions of “huihui shihp’in” 回回食品 do show relatively closer political and economic relationships between Muslims and the Chinese within the political and economic environment created under the Yüan Dynasty.

著者

村上 正二

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.44, no.3, pp.305-339, 1961-12

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The Mongol term soyurqal, which meant a kind of fiefdom in Činggis Qan's Empire of the early thirteenth century, was obviously derived from the verb soyurqa-qu, 'to grant a favor'. This verb, along with its passive form soyurqaγ-da-qu, frequently occurs in the Mongolian text of the Secret History of Mongols where it is voiced reciprocally between the knight and the lord in the oath of allegiance, in a set pattern of expression. The noun soyurqal seems to have originally meant any kind of gracious deed or thing bestowed by the lord upon the knight in reward for the latter's lasting service or distinguished merits. Later it came to denote a wide range of inherited privileges conferred upon grand knights and princes, concerning their emčü irgen (subject-peoples), sometimes accompanied by the so-called darqan right, i. e. special right of tax exemption or impunity. In the early stage of the Mongol Empire, those subject-peoples, who were granted to knights or princes, mostly consisted of non-Mongolians, qari-yin irgen, or, to be more exact, natives of non-steppe areas who had been captured on the battle-field. As soyurqal was a special favor of the Qan, the recipient was excused from the duties such as taxes and corvées otherwise to be assessed upon it by the State. On the other hand, the majority of the people of the Mongol States and Empire, generally called ulus irgen or qanliγ irgen, were mainly peoples of steppe origin, who were .placed under a direct control of the central government and were imposed upon with all sorts of nomadic taxes and corvées. In contrast to the emčü irgen, the ulus irgen were portions of heritage, qubi kešig, of the common property, i. e. the Empire's peoples, divided among Činggis Qan's family members in accordance with the traditional law of succession of Mongols. In Mongolia of this stage, a Qaγan or a king of a State had a double personality, public and private; as a private person, even he could possess his own private domain in the form of an ordo with all its paraphernalia, while a prince or a knight had soyurqal instead. This was why the ulus irgen of the Empire or the States were registered in census books under an entirely different category from that of the emčü irgen of the kings or knights.

著者

張 志雲 姜 水謡

出版者

東洋文庫

雑誌

東洋学報 = The Toyo Gakuho (ISSN:03869067)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.103, no.1, pp.01-028, 2021-06-30

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The Inspector-General (IG) of the Wang Jingwei government’s Maritime Customs Service, Kishimoto Hirokichi 岸本廣吉, was one of the most outstanding employees in the history of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service. He had the third longest years of service after Robert Hart and Frederick Maze among all the IGs and held the post of Chief Secretary for more than nine years, the longest term in history. His career demonstrated that an East Asian could be as successful as a Westerner in the Chinese maritime customs even before the Second Sino-Japanese War. During the ‘Solitary Island’ period of Shanghai, Kishimoto collaborated with Frederick Maze, the British IG at that time, for securing the integrity of the customs service. Having taken office as IG, Kishimoto initiated a series of reforms to the Wang Jingwei government’s custom houses in the middle and lower Yangtze plains. The biggest challenges he had to stand up to were brought by the Northern Political Council in North China and the Japanese army in South China, both of which acted virtually independently. He managed, however, to maintain the status quo of the Wang Jingwei government’s customs service until the end of the Second World War by using his best endeavours. Kishimoto paid off 1001 Japanese employees during the final days but failed to do same for the other nationals. The present article will illustrate how Kishimoto, as the Japanese head of the British dominated Chinese institution, displayed his political flair in balancing the power of employees from the three countries and how he combined his own national identity and his sympathy to China.