著者

小山 友 Tomo OYAMA

雑誌

東洋英和大学院紀要 = The Journal of the Graduate School of Toyo Eiwa University (ISSN:13497715)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.95-112, 2013-03-15

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The rise of the new radical right in Western European political parties started in the late 1980s and is now expanding across Europe. While causes of the rise of the new radical right vary in each county, a common characteristic of many radical right parties is their exclusive stance toward the immigration issue. Has the expanding support for these radical right parties across Europe resulted from anincreasing sense of xenophobia among European citizens against immigrants? Or has it resulted from the radical right parties’ usual tactic of gaining public support by expressing negative opinions on the immigration issue in order to acquire political legitimacy? This paper aims to clarify the rise of the radical right in the Netherlands in and after 2000. Focusing on two parties, Lijst Pim Fortuyn and Partij voor de Vrijheid, the study identifies characteristics of the radical right in Netherlands. Especially, it reviews and examines changes in Dutch society, including globalization and the expansion of the EU since the 1990s, in order to trace structural changes in the Dutch political system and examine the ways in which such changes are linked to the rise of the radical right. The paper also examines causes of the expansion of public support for the new radical right: whyit has been able to gain public support by proclaiming itself to be anti-immigration and anti-Muslim, despite the fact that most radical right candidates have historically been avoided by most citizens and treated as fringe candidates since the Second World War. In addition, the paper clarifies how the immigration issue in Dutch society has affected the radical right and how the radical right has gainedthe support of voters, including the arguments used by the radical right to acquire political legitimacy for its anti-immigration and anti-Muslim stance.

著者

松田 千広

出版者

東洋英和女学院大学大学院

雑誌

東洋英和大学院紀要 = The Journal of the Graduate School of Toyo Eiwa University (ISSN:13497715)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.47-65, 2015-03-15

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Assuming that people have three predominant perception and sensation systems, visual, auditory and kinestic, the research examined the relationship between stress coping style and the superiority of the three respective perception and sensation systems. The research conducted a survey of 59 women college students, postgraduate students and adults varying in age from 18 to 51.First of all, it was confirmed that the women could be classified into three groups, namely “visual predominant group”, “auditory predominant group” and “kinestic predominant group.” As for the method of measuring and classifying the superiority, it was found that previous research using boththe “eye movement method” and the “questionnaire method” were inappropriate. Therefore, based on cognition linguistics, this research attempted to classify the superiority of perception and sensation by means of “predicative words,” which form a sensory language. As a result, the women could be successfully classified into the three superiority groups, “visual predominant,” “auditory predominant,” and “kinestic predominant” based on the predicative words.Then, the research used “Tri-axial Coping Scale” (Kamimura, 1995) to statistically examine the relationship between each superiority group and the stress coping actions. As per the examination, it was found that “kinestic predominant group” shows a high “activeness” for problem solving.The classification of the superiority groups of perception and sensation using predicative words has potential as an assessment method in clinical situations where other tools and devices cannot be used. This research therefore provides a new perspective that can be utilized for clinical activities in future.

著者

吉岡 良昌 Yoshimasa YOSHIOKA

出版者

東洋英和女学院大学大学院

雑誌

東洋英和大学院紀要 = The Journal of the Graduate School of Toyo Eiwa University (ISSN:13497715)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.1-16, 2014-03-15

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At the starting point of the educational reform after the World War Ⅱ in Japan,Shigeru Nanbara, President of the Tokyo University, continued to insist that human Revolution is needed to complete the democratic society in Japan. Although the Constitution and the Basic Act on Education has been established as the system Of Japanese government, it was the most important task that the human being oneself must be reformed toward the new person to maintain the new system. It was an ideal educational goal for Japanese to become to attain to “the full development of the personality” as written at the First article of the Basic Act on Education. Arimasa Mori who was a famous philosopher following after the Nanbara’s vision, has been trying to comlete the task of the human revolution in Japan by the way of his own philosophical way. His conclusion was that Japanese individuality and Japanese democratic society must be reformed and confirmed by the Christian Faith.

著者

今野 茂充 Shigemitsu KONNO

出版者

東洋英和女学院大学大学院

雑誌

東洋英和大学院紀要 = The Journal of the Graduate School of Toyo Eiwa University (ISSN:13497715)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.21-41, 2013-03-15

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The debate on the origins of the First World War remains one of the most contested issues in the study of International History and International Relations (IR). Considering that almost a century has passed since the outbreak of the war, it is remarkable that the latest historiography, based on newly available primary sources, can still revitalize the debate and undermine some of the orthodoxinterpretations of the origins of the war. The controversy over the share of responsibilities for the outbreak of the war is typical of this trend. Instead of excessively focusing on Germany as the single prime mover in 1914, many recent historical researches consider a reapportionment of responsibilities among the European great powers for starting the Great War. Taking recent developments into account, this article seeks to examine and evaluate the role of Russia in the origins of the war from a theoretical perspective. The first section of the article traces the development of tensions between Russia and the Central Powers. The second section examines whether major IR theories, such as the offense-defense theory and the preventive war theory, can apply to the Russia's case from the defeat of Russo-Japanese war to the outbreak of the First World War. This article does not intend to demonstrate that Russia should bear the sole responsibility forstarting the First World War. However, even this brief study proves convincingly that Russia played a greater role on the outbreak of the First World War than is generally acknowledged in the recent literature of IR theories.

著者

今野 茂充 Shigemitsu KONNO

出版者

東洋英和女学院大学大学院

雑誌

東洋英和大学院紀要 = The Journal of the Graduate School of Toyo Eiwa University (ISSN:13497715)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.21-41, 2013-03-15 (Released:2013-07-08)

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The debate on the origins of the First World War remains one of the most contested issues in the study of International History and International Relations (IR). Considering that almost a century has passed since the outbreak of the war, it is remarkable that the latest historiography, based on newly available primary sources, can still revitalize the debate and undermine some of the orthodoxinterpretations of the origins of the war. The controversy over the share of responsibilities for the outbreak of the war is typical of this trend. Instead of excessively focusing on Germany as the single prime mover in 1914, many recent historical researches consider a reapportionment of responsibilities among the European great powers for starting the Great War. Taking recent developments into account, this article seeks to examine and evaluate the role of Russia in the origins of the war from a theoretical perspective. The first section of the article traces the development of tensions between Russia and the Central Powers. The second section examines whether major IR theories, such as the offense-defense theory and the preventive war theory, can apply to the Russia's case from the defeat of Russo-Japanese war to the outbreak of the First World War. This article does not intend to demonstrate that Russia should bear the sole responsibility forstarting the First World War. However, even this brief study proves convincingly that Russia played a greater role on the outbreak of the First World War than is generally acknowledged in the recent literature of IR theories.

著者

吉岡 早希 Saki YOSHIOKA

出版者

東洋英和女学院大学大学院

雑誌

東洋英和大学院紀要 = The Journal of the Graduate School of Toyo Eiwa University (ISSN:13497715)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.10, pp.95-111, 2014-03-15

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This paper describes cross-sectoral dialogues concerning history textbook revisions aimed at promoting a common historical awareness in the European Union and examines the ways in which this process has affected European integration. Initiated as a mutual assessment of textbooks in the inter-war period aimed at preventing prejudice against other European states, history textbook dialogues eventually evolved into arguments about the history education of citizens of the European community and the multilateral community in the post Cold War aimed at fostering collaborative development. By analyzing previous research and official activity reports of the respective actors involved in the process, including Germany, France, Poland, the Council of Europe, UNESCO, the Georg-Eckert Institute, and EUROCLIO, this study demonstrates the limitations of the activities aimed at enhancing a common historical awareness. This research suggests that existing difficulties and obstacles need to be overcome before history textbook dialogues can make possible the establishment of mutual understanding among the European states. It concludes that continuous observation and further study are required

著者

島 創平

出版者

東洋英和女学院大学大学院

雑誌

東洋英和大学院紀要 = The Journal of the Graduate School of Toyo Eiwa University (ISSN:13497715)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.11, pp.1-9, 2015-03-15

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Nero, the 5th Roman emperor, has often been regarded as a “tyrant”. He was the first persecuter of Christians in A.D. 64 when a major fire broke out in the City of Rome. Tacitus, the Roman historian, reports that in order to deny the rumour that Nero himself had orderd the fire to be set , Nero ascribed the crime to Christians and punished them cruelly. However, Tacitus also says that Christians were convicted not so much on the count of arson as for “hatred of the human race” (Annales, 15.44). To consider the question why Christians were persecuted by Nero, we must depend mainly on the descriptions of Roman historians ─ Tacitus and Suetonius. These historians lived in the early part of the 2nd century, when the distinction between Christianity and Judaism had became more apparent. But in the days of Nero’s reign, the middle of the 1st century, the distinction was not so apparent. Christianity was regarded as a sect of Judaism. In The Acts of the Apostles, Christianity was called “the sect of the Nazarenes” by an anti-Christian Jew (Acts, 24.5). On the other hand, early Christian missionary work caused division and discord among Jewish people and often provoked disturbance between people who accepted the Christian faith and those who rejected it. In the reign of Claudius, Jews were expelled from Rome because they often created disturbances at the instigation of “Chrestus” (Suetonius, Claudius, 24.4). The Christian people of the Neronian days were thus regarded as a Jewish splinter group and troublemakers who often caused disturbances. Therefore, it is more accurate to view the persecution of Christians by Nero as persecution of a particular Jewish sect ─ “the sect of Nazarenes”.

著者

小山 友 Tomo OYAMA

雑誌

東洋英和大学院紀要 = The Journal of the Graduate School of Toyo Eiwa University (ISSN:13497715)

巻号頁・発行日

vol.9, pp.95-112, 2013-03-15 (Released:2013-07-09)

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The rise of the new radical right in Western European political parties started in the late 1980s and is now expanding across Europe. While causes of the rise of the new radical right vary in each county, a common characteristic of many radical right parties is their exclusive stance toward the immigration issue. Has the expanding support for these radical right parties across Europe resulted from anincreasing sense of xenophobia among European citizens against immigrants? Or has it resulted from the radical right parties’ usual tactic of gaining public support by expressing negative opinions on the immigration issue in order to acquire political legitimacy? This paper aims to clarify the rise of the radical right in the Netherlands in and after 2000. Focusing on two parties, Lijst Pim Fortuyn and Partij voor de Vrijheid, the study identifies characteristics of the radical right in Netherlands. Especially, it reviews and examines changes in Dutch society, including globalization and the expansion of the EU since the 1990s, in order to trace structural changes in the Dutch political system and examine the ways in which such changes are linked to the rise of the radical right. The paper also examines causes of the expansion of public support for the new radical right: whyit has been able to gain public support by proclaiming itself to be anti-immigration and anti-Muslim, despite the fact that most radical right candidates have historically been avoided by most citizens and treated as fringe candidates since the Second World War. In addition, the paper clarifies how the immigration issue in Dutch society has affected the radical right and how the radical right has gainedthe support of voters, including the arguments used by the radical right to acquire political legitimacy for its anti-immigration and anti-Muslim stance.