著者

大谷 省吾

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.411, pp.27-38, 2014-02-21

---

Part II What observations can be made from the present study? An infrared photographic investigation of Landscape with an Eye was carried out in 2010 by Shirono Seiji of the National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, Tokyo. Two types of techniques were used, near-infrared reflection photography (light radiates from the object’s surface and the reflected light is captured), and near-infrared transmission photography (light radiates from the back of the work and the transmitted light is captured). Infrared light permeates more than visible light, and since materials such as pencil lead and charcoal absorb infrared rays, those areas show up on an infrared photography as black. Thus underdrawings and other elements of lower layers of a painting beneath the surface layer can be discerned. A comparison of the underdrawing imagery that emerges in such photography and the completed painting allow us to surmise the production process involved. The reflective near infrared photographs reveal to a degree the shape of a lump prior to the painter’s application of pigment in the sky area. The finished painting has a sense of volumetric mass, but in the underlying pigment layers, in other words, in the initial stages of the painting process, free and generously curving lines made up the form, and thus we can imagine that he gradually decided on the overall shape. Another noteworthy point can be found in the horizon line on the right edge of the composition that can be considered an important element in titling this work a landscape. In the lower pigment levels it is not a horizontal line, but rather is an unclear depiction that seems to be connected to the round form. In other words, during the production of this painting, it can be thought that more so than a landscape, it was an indeterminate shape that can only be called an object. Examination of the near infrared transmission photography reveals that in the initial production states an extremely unusual shape is depicted that differs from that in the finished version (in the photograph, the section that appears as dark black is not what was first painted, but rather is the top pigment layer that unfortunately was painted in pigments that include charcoal, and thus must be deducted from our consideration). While it is hard to determine exactly what this shape is, at the very least, the lion theory introduced in Part I of this paper does not seem possible. The most noteworthy element in this photograph, the eye in the center of the composition that can be considered the crux of the finished work, is not visible in the photography. In other words, this means that the eye was not painted until a much later stage of the production and indeed was painted in the surface layer of the painting. In essence, in the first stages of composition, Ai-Mitsu did not necessarily intend to depict a mysterious image that looks like an eye radiating piercing light in the midst of chaos, and rather the eye image emerged as he groped through the painting process. Dali influenced many of the painters of the day in Japan who had been taken by surrealism, and thus we can see paintings that include symbolic messages in their horizon line compositions. In those cases, the theme was determined before the painting process began, and then the composition was considered based on that theme. Once the image had been conceived, underdrawings were created and painting proceeded in a calculated fashion. By comparison, the groping painting method seen in Landscape with an Eye is quite special. Another example of this same painting method by Ai-Mitsu can be found in his Flower Garden (1940). The single butterfly that flies amidst the confused foliage in this work leaves a vivid impression. It has been recently confirmed that the butterfly did not appear in a picture postcard produced at the time of the painting’s display. In other words, Ai-Mitsu first proceeded with the depiction of the confused grasses and flowers, and at the end depicted the butterfly. If that is the case, then in the same way, just before finishing the Landscape with an Eye, it can easily be imagined that Ai-Mitsu struggled with the confused lump in the state of the landscape without the eye. Another noteworthy element of the production process of Landscape with an Eye is the collection of curved lines that can be seen in the lower pigment layers that seem to have emerged from amidst the pure gestures that surpassed the painter’s intentions. These curved lines are reminiscent of the lines in Max Ernst’s The Kiss (1927), although in Ernst’s case it seems as if images of people and other forms emerge from the accidental, while in Ai-Mitsu’s case the imagery cannot be easily identified. It would seem that in order to avoid explanatory depiction, he would destroy anything that seemed like it might emerge as a concrete image. In other words, the layering of pigment in order to grasp the sense of mass of an object, and the freely curving lines that seem to emerge from the painter’s own body rhythms, came to be layered on this single canvas. Therefore, in the end we cannot determine if this lump is a lion, or a lump of flesh or a tree stump. Ai-Mitsu may have been aiming at that state between meaning and meaningless, the state of being just unable to identify a concrete image. It is said that the Landscape with an Eye took more than two months to paint, and during that time he seems unable to have decided whether this misshapen lump of unknown form should have a concrete meaning, whether lion or tree stump, and he seized its existence alone in his hands, leaving it in the state of indeterminate form. This extremely unsettling sensation can be found in the climax of Sartre’s Nausea (1838). It recalls the scene where Roquentin is seated on a park bench,and feels nauseous as he looks at the roots of a chestnut tree. Since Ai-Mitsu did not know of Sartre, this comparison is nothing more than an arbitrary association. And yet, in the immediate post-war era Sartre’s existentialism gathered support from many cultured members of Japanese society, and there was a group of painters who sought to depict images of people who are aware that they have been hurled into the irrational world and exist in rivalry to it. The most important of these painters were Tsuruoka Masao and Asô Saburo who had formed the Shinjingakai with Ai-Mitsu during the war. In light of such facts, Ai-Mitsu’s Landscape with an Eye can be then seen as foreshadowing their postwar works. For example, Tsuruoka emphasized depicting objects rather than immaterial subjects, while Asô asserted, “I believe that realism is something whereby the power of the gaze and dissection are the same.” These comments by Tsuruoka and Asô from the postwar era can be seen to greatly overlap the production policy carried out by Ai-Mitsu in Landscape with an Eye. If, for that reason, we position Landscape with an Eye as a “Japanese Surrealist painting,” then we are in the dangerous position where its connection with the earnest search for realism that faced the reality of postwar society can tend to be overlooked. In that sense, I question whether or not it is good to consider Landscape with an Eye as a “Japanese Surrealist painting,” and I cannot easily answer that question in the affirmative. All the more so, this work stands out as an extreme example amidst the groping for realism thatsought to see reality as it is during the difficult era of the latter half of the 1930s, and the assertion that Tsuruoka and Asô continued the awareness of this issue means that this work can be considered to live on in history.

著者

宮 次男

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.333, pp.20-26, 1985-09-29

---

The ten-scroll-set Yugyō Shōnin Engi E based on the text edited by Priest Sōshun, illustrating the biographies of Priest Ippen (the founder of Ji sect) and his seccessor Priest Taa, enjoyed great popularity in the middle ages. Of the many versions that were made after the original, thirteen sets are known to remain today. Introduced in the present article is the Eifukuji scroll (Scroll 7 of the ten-scroll set) of the Yngyo Shōuin Engi E which, though formerly thought to be from the Edo Period, is now assumed to have been executed no later than the second half of the fourteenth century and thus can be added to the above-mentioned group of extant versions from the middle ages-a significant addition to the material of handscroll painting. The extant versions can be classified into the following three types according to the traits in the treatment of figures as well as the shape and placement of architecture in the illustrations :Type A : Konrenji version ; Shinkōji version ; Shōjō kōji version; Senshōji version; Konkōji version ; Tokyo National Museum version ;Yamato Bunkakan version. Type B: Kōmyōji version. Type C: Kondaiji version ; Jōshōji version ; Tōyama Art Museum version. The Kōmyōji version classified as Type B was based on the old set in the Fujisawa Dōjō (Buddhist seminary) of the Shōjōkōji, but this prototype was burned in 1911. However, a faithful copy of the lost model had been made by KANŌ Yasunobu and it is kept in the Tokyo National Museum. Those in Type C are characterized by their unconventional compositions which differ from the other types. The Eifukuji scroll, which is the seventh of the ten scrolls, is assumed to belong to Type A, judging from the rendering of figures and the basic composition. Versions missing the seventh scroll are those in Konkōji, Jōshōji, Kondaiji, Konrenji (not the one classified above), and Yamato Bunkakan. These, however, share no similarity in the style and brushwork with the Eifukuji scroll, which thus can not be identified as a part of any presently known set. The Eifukuji scroll lacks only the first three lines of the text for Scene One at the outset. Except for this, the scroll is complete, containing all of the six sections for the seventh scroll, both text and painting. The content is as follows. Scene One : In the sixth year of the Einin Era (1298) in Muraoka, Musashi Province, Priest Taa, taken ill, writes his teachings to his followers on his deathbed. Scene Two: In Hōjō-zu of Etchū Province, a warrior NANJŌ Kurō is taught about the meaning of death by Taa and becomes a believer of the sect. Scene Three : A sick person by the name of IKE in Echigo Province recovers from his illness after he in his dream is nursed by Taa's disciple. Scene Four : At the Gokurakuji in Hagisaki of Echigo Province, a scholar-monk Keihan Enkambō pays a visit to Taa staying in Kashiwazaki and becomes a believer. Scene Five : Taa and his followers visit the Zenkōji in Shinano Province where they continue to pray for seven days and nights, and practiced the religious dance on the stage in front of the Buddha Hall. Scene Six: At Nakagawa of Kai Province, Taa writes waka poetry for the people. Characteristics of the pictorial illustrations of the Eifukuji scroll are as follows. The painting is executed in soft colours and fluent lines. The facial expressions of the people are captured skillfully, and even the texture of their clothes are well suggested by flowing outlines. All these attest to the expertise of the artist. In comparison to the other versions, the number of background objects as well as of the figures is smaller in the Eifukuji scroll, which leads the author to surmise that some of them were abbreviated by the painter. The overall style of the painting pertains to the hand scroll painting tradition of the Kamakura Period, which leads to the assumption that the scroll was executed in the latter half of the fourteenth century.

著者

佐藤 直樹

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.415, pp.32-42, 2015-03-20

---

I was a coordinator at the International Symposium on the Conservation and Restoration of Cultural Property "Reconsidering 'Form': Towards a More Open Discussion" held in January 2014, and was extremely stimulated by my interactions there with scholars from outside the field of art history. In a closed environment where research has become overly specialized and one's focus turns to the narrowest of subjects, I felt that this symposium experimented with ventilating this compartmentalized research through debate with researchers from other fields. The results from such cross-disciplinary exchange are not inconsiderable. Thus I thought to propose one possibility in the study of the history of Japanese art from the viewpoint of the study of Western art, which I conceived after this symposium. Erwin Panofsky's iconology study set a new course from the use of conventional stylistic analysis in the history of Western art, but it is less well known that, in fact, Panofsky's theory was basically indebted to Aby Warburg's crossdisciplinary research methods. Warburg utilized a massive amount of historical material and endeavored to decipher an artwork from a certain viewpoint. Amongst his methods, his Bilderatlas Mnemosyne was intended to measure the bearings of art history. And yet, even after filling 63 panels with many photos and cuttings from advertisements and magazines, he left it unfinished, without explanation. Because there was no explanation, the Bilderatlas Mnemosyne became a richly suggestive visual tool, and continues to greatly stimulating scholars today as an alternative model for art historical thought. Warburg's own thoughts on the Bilderatlas were diverse, and he succeeded in formulating the concept of Pathosformel out of the fact that ancient human body expression lives on, undying, through the ages. I also think that this Pathosformel concept can be applied to the study of the history of Japanese art. The symposium presentation made by waka researcher Watanabe Yasuaki made me realize that the standard 5-7-5-7-7 form of the waka poem both bears the emotions of the Japanese people, as well as continuing on, unflaggingly, from antiquity to today. Indeed, because waka have served since antiquity as the shared cultural memory of Japan's educated classes, then surely when such people face a painting, even across the eras, it would evoke in them their own waka verse. In the kana preface to the Kokinwakashû imperial waka anthology, Ki no Tsurayuki pronounced the following secret to the creation of waka, to paraphrase, "The human heart is the seed of the Yamato poem, which grows into myriad words." While in the West inspiration is said to come from the heavens, in Japan it is found in the human heart. Waka was clearly recognized as a human-centric art at the beginning of the 10th century. And indeed, this philosophy can also become an important key when considering Japanese art. While waka and Japanese art are already being researched in the sub-field of uta-e, a type of painting with poems rendered in calligraphic form within the painting, there is yet to be a systematic cross-disciplinary study between literature and the visual arts. While iconographic research on waka lies concealed within the genre themes of Japanese art, it is probably still impossible for scholars from the fields of Japanese literature and art history to conduct crossdisciplinary, joint research. In that regard the NRICPT can play a major role as the locus for such research. I anticipate a bud sprouting from such cross-disciplinary studies in Tokyo from the seeds sown by Warburg's research model.

著者

井手 誠之輔

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.354, pp.19-34, 1992-09-29

---

Lu Xinzhong is known as one of a group of professional painters of Buddhist subjects who was active in the port city of Ningbo (also called Qingyuanfu) in Zhejiang Province the late Song through early Yuan dynasties. Extant paintings attributed to Lu Xinzhong include sets of the Ten Kings of Hell, Sixteen Arhats, and a Nirvāṇa painting. However, among these works there is considerable difference in the brushwork, so it is difficult to attribute these materials to a single master. In light of this state of the field, my aim in this papers is to reconsider Lu's work, through an examination of one of the few recognized masterpieces to come from his studio, the Nirvāṇa painting in the collection of the Nara National Museum (hereafter referred to as the NNM Nirvāṇa painting), and through a comparison of this work with other Nirvāṇa paintings of the Song-Yuan through Ming-Qing periods. In the NNM Nirvāṇa painting, we do not find the extreme expressions of grief. The disciples who have climbed up onto Śākyamuni's bier are depicted in a variety of poses and expressions. In this painting, nirvāna clearly has associations other than sadness and mourning. Such clues as the expressions of the disciples, and the representation of the leaves of the sala tree in seven layers (an auspicious pattern normally found in paradise paintings), suggest that the intent of this painting is to pose a question to its viewers: "Is the meaning of Śākyamuni's nirvāṇa death? or life?" There is evidence that this question was one shared by the artist and his clients in Song-Yuan China. In that this Nirvāṇa painting reflects contemporary values and views about death and life, rather than being a faithful illustration of a Buddhist text, it departs from earlier standards of both iconography and meaning. One of the distinctive features of this painting is its relationship to an important phenomenon in Song and later Chinese Buddhism, that of Paradise Associations (Ch. jingtu jieshe 浄土結社). Such associations thrived at Yangingsi Temple, a large Buddhist temple in Ningbo that was undoubtedly one of the major clients for painters such as Lu Xinzhong. Yangingsi was one of the major Tiantai sect temples in China in the late Song period. From the early 11th through the early 13th century, there were some 10,000 persons, tonsured and lay, in Yanqingsi Paradise Associations. The Associations were organized in 210 groups of 48 persons (based on Amitābha's 48 vows), each group headed by an influential member of the community. A plenary meeting of all the Paradise Associations was held annually at Yanqingsi on the 15th day of the 2nd month, the day considered the anniversary of Śākyamuni's nirvāṇa. The 210 leading members would no doubt have taken part in these annual meetings, and they are the most likely group of clients for the NNM Nirvāna painting. Although it is not possible to point to specific and concrete evidence of a link between the NNM Nirvāna painting and the Yanqingsi paradise associations, the religious and social context of Yanqingsi in the Song-Yuan period, and the environment created there for the consumption of Buddhist paintings, cannot be ignored. In Ming dynasty nirvāṇa paintings--for example, that by Wu Bin in the collection of Sōfukuji, Nagasaki, or a work by an unknown painter at Shuntokuji, also in Nagasaki--we continue to see double layers of signification. But what had been a double reference to nirvāṇa and Amitābha's Western Paradise in the Lu Xinzhong painting has been transformed into double imagery of nirvāṇa and immortality, and the dominant imagery is celebratory. For the ordinary Chinese, the logic of rebirth in paradise was, like popular Taoist notions of immortality, one of the most easily comprehended and most welcome aspects of Buddhist doctrine, as both offered comforting visions of death. From the point in the Song dynasty when the very concept of nirvāṇa--portrayed in traditional texts as an occasion for mourning--became associated with Pure Land Sect beliefs in rebirth in Paradise, it already was on the path toward the felicitous associations with eternal life that we see in the Ming paintings. The NNM painting by Lu Xinzhong is an important document of this process of the redefinition of nirvāṇa in Chinese Buddhism. Although the NNM Nirvāṇa painting has long been in Japanese collections, that it has been overlooked thus far can be attributed to a difference in Japanese and Chinese attitudes toward not only the concept of nirvāṇa, but also toward the illustration of Buddhist texts in general. Historically, Japan has tended toward a more conservative and textcentered imagery. Thus a work such as the NNM Nirvāṇa painting, which poses the question, "Is the meaning of Śākyamuni's nirvāṇa death? or life?" but leaves the interpretation to the viewer, was ill understood by the Japanese, and met with resistance.

著者

伊東 卓治

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.214, pp.1-34, 1961-03-30

---

This article is a study, from the viewpoint of the history of calligraphy, of a letter written in kana (Japanese syllabaries) on the reverse side of a copy of a ge (document from a governmental office to a higher governmental office) from the governor of Inaba Province dated the 2nd day of the 11th month of the year Engi 5 (A.D. 905). This ge is found in the first part of the 2nd scroll in the 4th box of the “Tōnan-in Archives” preserved in the Middle Section of the Shōsō-in Repository of Imperial Treasures in Nara. The letter under discussion, which appears to be by a female hand, is hard to decipher, and it does not bear the date of copying nor the name of the copyist. This study is therefore concentrated on how the letter reads and when it was copied. The letter, or more exactly the sheet of paper on which the letter had been written, was utilized to supplement the shortage of writing-paper (i. e. to use the plain side) at the time of making a copy of the ge. If we know when the ge was copied, therefore, it becomes known that the letter is earlier than that date. Because the date of copying is unknown we have to study first of all when it was done. The document is related to a dispute between the Tōdai-ji Temple and the courtier Fujiwara Arizane concerning the jurisdiction over an estate at Takaniwa, Takakusa-gun in Inaba Province (now Tottori Prefecture). Researches on the procedure of this dispute suggest that the ge was copied either in the 5th year of Engi (905) or by the 12th or 13th year of the same era (912–913) or some time during the Enchō to Tengyō and Tenryaku eras (923–956). From the calligraphic style the resent author is led to attribute it to the lastmentioned period, namely between the 3rd and 6th decades of the 10th century. The author then tries to guess the age of the kana letter in the light of the early history of kana writing. Due to insufficiency of known materials, however, the history of kana calligraphy in the first half of the 10th century has not yet been established, and the author had to begin with classifying them in order to get a rough survey of kana script of this period. Through his research it has been made known that in this field of writing in the first half of the 10th century there existed, side by side and often mixed up, two different ways of writing: one following the traditional mode, that is, to write in the so script with each character written separately from the ones above and below (doku sō or “separate” style), and the other in what was probably a new way, i. e. to write in the sō and hira-gana scripts with the characters of words, phrases or sentences in continuing strokes (remmen or “continued and entangling” style). (Translator's note: The sō script, as referred to in literature of the time, is a simplified form of cursive style of Chinese ideographs, to be read in Japanese-style pronunciation and each character standing for one sound or syllable, from which hira-gana or Japanese syllabaries seem to have evolved. That is to say, it is a script transitional from Chinese ideographs to hira-gana syllabaries. It should not be confused with the sō or cursive style of writing as contrasted with kai, gyō and other such terms referring to the flourishing, angular, iutermediate and cursive styles.) The fact can be interpreted to illustrate a still immature stage of development in kana writing during the first half of the 10th century, contrasting with the fully progressed kana calligraphy in the late 10th to the 11th and 12th centuries. The “separate” and “continuing” styles appear to have been maintained firmly as two different ways of writing, the former probably for male writers and the latter for female. When we take these circumstances into consideration and attach due importance on the rather “continuing” aspect of the letter under discussion, and when we note that the brush work in this letter shows characteristics in common with that of a chō (report from an official to an upper governmental office) from Tamba Province dated the 22nd day of the 9th month of the year Shōhei 2 (A. D. 932), we are led to regard led to regard the age of this letter to be in about the Shōhei era (931-938). If so it is the old existing example of a letter in kana writing.

著者

猪川 和子

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.287, pp.1-18, 1973-10-30

---

The Gokokuin (Kimiidera) in Wakayama City owns some sculptural images from the Late Heian Period. Their principal images are an Elevenheaded Avalokiteśvara, which is the main images of the temple, and a Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara. Besides, there are two Bodhisattvas, purported to be Brahmā and Indra, and another Eleven-headed Avalokiteśvara. In this paper the author makes a comparative study of these with similar sculptures in adjoining regions, such as eight Avalokiteśvara images of the Kanshinji in Kawachi-Nagano City, Osaka, an Avalokiteśvara image owned by the Ueda District Office in the same city, statues of the Kōonji in Kaizuka City, Osaka, and others. The main image, the Eleven-headed Avalokiteśvara of the Gokokuin is a statue carved out of single block of Japanese Judas-tree wood. The head is proportionally large. The way of carving shows a slightly naive, local character and is close to the Eleven-headed Avalokiteśvara of the Kaijūsenji in Kamo Town, Kyoto, and the Elevenheaded Avalokiteśvara of the Taimadera in Taima Town, Nara. The Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara of the Gokokuin has forty large arms and nine hundred and sixty smaller arms. The facial expression has something in common with the Bhaiṣajyaguru Triad of the Katsuodera in Mino City, Osaka. The two images purported to be Brahmā and Indra are perhaps Bodhisattvas, judging from their costumes. The one called Indra has a round face with a childish expression and is brightly painted. The drapery is carved skillfully and the entire statue is neatly worked. According to a document dated 1082, written by Myōshō, a priest of the Yakushōji once located near the Gokokuin, Myōshō was engaged in the work of colouring the sculptural images of two important temples in Kyoto, the Enshūji and the Hosshōji. This fact implies a close relationship between this region and Kyoto in the field of the production of Buddhist images and it is easily understood that the image called Brahmā reflects the refined taste of the capital. The statue called Indra is stylistically quite similar, except for the fact, in comparison it shows a more localized taste. There are eight standing statues of Avalokiteśvara in the Kanshinji, Osaka, and some of them show stylistic kinship to these two images of the Gokokuin. The type of crown, the countenances and the colouring effects have some features in common with the two images of the Gokokuin and share their modest and elegant characteristics. The statue of Cuṇḍī owned by the Yakushiji in Nara City (970) and the statue of Avalokiteśvara of the Yūnenji in Ikaruga Town, Nara, (1069) are two dated similar works in adjoining regions. These, however, are rather different in style. Among the contemporaneous Buddhist statues in the Osaka area, the Avalokiteśvara owned by the Ueda District Office of Kwachi-Nagano City is presumed by the author to be a work by a sculptor of Kyoto. It is more in the Kyoto style than the statues of the Gokokuin and the Kanshinji. The author thinks that it is in the same stylistic line as the Thousand-armed Avalokiteśvara of the Hosshōji, Kyoto. The statues in the Kōonji, Osaka, and the one in the Yūnenji still retain to some extent features of the Early Heian Period sculptural style, while also exhibiting local characteristics. The author thus defines the stylistic positions of the statues of the Gokokuin.

著者

三宅 久雄

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.336, pp.1-18, 1986-08-30

---

Gyōkai is a noted disciple of a great Buddhist sculptor Kaikei in the early Kamakura Period. Some of his works have been newly discovered recently. In the present article the author studies the artistic activities of Gyōkai, who has hitherto been taken into consideration only in relation to Kaikei. and his signdficance in the history of Japanese sculpture. The first known activity of Gyōkai is that under Kaikei in the production of the statue of Kṣitigarbha, which is now in the Fujita Art Museum, Osaka. This statue bears an inscription, “eye-opening by Gyōkai,” which not only indicates Gyōkai's involvement in the making of the eyes but also his significance as a sculptor, for this manner of inscription was unique to Kaikei's studio. In 1216 Gyōkai received the title of Hokkyō through Kaikei's recommendation. Later in 1219 Kaikei and his disciples worked on the statue of the Eleven-headed Avalokitesvara in the Hasedera in Yamato. Gyōkai then provided significant assistance to Kaikei by making the plans and estimates and was entrusted with the carving of the halo. Around 1221 Kaikei and his group produced the statues of Śākyamuni and the Ten Disciples at the Daihōonji in Kyoto. At this time Gyōkai held the title of Hōgen, as did Kaikei, and even worked onthe principal image of Śākyamuni, while his master Kaikei made two of the accompanying Ten Disciples images. Gyōkai's last work that is known was one of the thousand statues of the Thousand-armed Avalokitesvara at the Rengeōin, most of which were re-produced between 1251 and 1266. Though undated, works from his Hōgen period have been found recently which are the standing image of Amitābha in the Amidaji, Shiga, and another in the Kitajūman, Osaka. Both of them succeeded the style of Kaikei. Gyōkai's works on the whole display greater strength than Kaikei's, and his treatment of drapery folds shows realism. Gyōkai was trying to add his own expression to the style of his master and he seems to have been inspired by another great sculptor Unkei who equalled Kaikei. Gyōkai was active when the two styles of Unkei and Kaikei were fusing into one. On the contrary, Unkei's son Tankei received some inspiration from Kaikei. While most of Kaikei's disciples faithfully followed their master's style, Gyōkai extended the stylistic boundary, being conscious of the trend of the time. Kaikei made Gyōkai his assistant perhaps because he was aware of the talent of his disciple Gyōkai.

著者

土屋 貴裕

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.403, pp.25-57, 2011-03-29

---

The Tengu Sôshi is an illustrated handscroll thought to have been created in the 10th month of Ei'nin 4 (1296). The date inscription that reads "Ei'nin yonnen jûgatsu" is written in the foreword on the Kôfukuji scroll of the seven scrolls that constitute the Tengu Sôshi. Given the inscription, this set of scrolls is positioned as one of the basic works of late Kamakura period painting. However, the Tengu Sôshi indicates the existence of a source version that is now lost, and it is not clear whether this Ei'nin 4 date inscription refers to the production of the existing scrolls or to the reported source version. Thus, a reconsideration based on painting style is required. In terms of the painting style of the Tengu Sôshi, previous scholars have indicated that it was painted by a studio related to the imperial painting bureau. Given these factors, this article attempts a re-analysis based on the nature of the connection between this work and other Kamakura period paintings. First, the article presents the various previous discussionson the matter, and reconfirms the painting's art historical position. This positioning reconfirmed its extremely close stylistic connections to the mid-Kamakura period works that continued the style of Late Heian period court painting, seen in such works as the Heiji Monogatari Handscrolls and the Kōan version of the Kitano Tenjin Engi Handscrolls. Next, paintings with the same compositional style as the Tengu Sôshi were sought out. This resulted in the confirmation that the Tengu Sôshi is extremely close in compositional style to the Yugyô Shônin Engi Handscrolls. In particular, the detached segments of the Yugyó Shônin Engi Handscrolls, today in the Museum Yamato Bunkakan collection and a private collection, are thought highly likely to have been produced in the same workshop as the Tengu Sôshi. At the same time, the many extant versions of the Yugyó Shônin Engi Handscrolls are thought to have an expressive style that continues the style of the Tengu Sóshi. This fact suggests that it is highly likely that the source version of the Yugyô Shônin Engi Handscrolls was produced at the same workshop as the Tengu Sôshi. In other words, the Yugyô Shônin Engi Handscrolls fragments in the Yamato Bunkakan and the private collection are all from the source version of the Yugyo Shônin Engi Handscrolls. This analysis indicates some fascinating facts regarding painting production places in the late Kamakura period. In other words, the Yugyo Shônin Engi Handscrolls that feature the activities of the Jishû sect, whose patriarch was Ippen, and the Tengu Sóshi, whose contents criticize the activities ofIppen, were painted in the same workshop. The production site of the Tengu Sôshi was thus a painting workshop that did not differentiate between opposing sectarian stances. This stands as proof that the Tengu Sôshi was created in the one powerful painting studio of the late Kamakura period, namely the imperial court painting studio. This finding reconfirms the extremely important position of the painting studio of the Tengu Sôshi in considerations of painting production sites of the late Kamakura period.

著者

関 千代

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.311, pp.29-34, 1979-10-30

---

A letter of Hōgai KANO (1828–1888) addressed to Toshisada TAWARA, his father-in-law who was a doctor, is owned by Hōgai's great-grandson, Mr. Hiroshi KANO. The letter has the date of November 6 and, judging from the content, it is recognized as being of the fourth year of Ansei Era (1857). It has an illustration drawn by Hōgai himself representing Townsend HARRIS, the first American Consul General to Japan who arrived at his post in 1856, a Japanese escort and a translator in the audience of the Shōgun. At the head of the letter, Hōgai states that Teppei, a son of Toshisada and a brother of Hōgai's wife Yoshi, should study medicine for continuity in the family occupation. A large part of the letter is on the visit of HARRIS to the Edo Castle which was big news to the people of the time. HARRIS, who sailed into the port of Shimoda in July 1856 and opened a consulate there, proceeded to Edo by land and visited the Shōgun in the Edo Castle to present the letter from the President. The letter was presented on October 21, 1857. Hōgai wrote for the people in his home town the news of HARRIS's overland trip and the audience in the castle to which he added an illustration. The illustration is vividly drawn and has a note saying “The sketchy drawing of the teacher is like this”, suggesting that the illustration was based on a sketchy drawing of Shōsen-in Tadanobu KANŌ who was his teacher. This leeter thus clarified that Hōgai was in Edo in this fall, but not in his home town Chōfu as is presumed by some people. At the same time, it indicates that he was already married then because his wife's name is mentioned without an honorific word in the letter.

著者

鶴田 武良

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.384, pp.48-78, 2004-11-12

---

“Research on the History of Chinese Painting of the Past 100 Years - VII,” published in No. 383 of this journal, introduced the Chûnichi Kaiga Rengő Tenrankai exhibitions jointly organized by Japan and China for a total of five exhibitions between 1921 and 1929. The article discussed the chronology and process of the organization and execution of the exhibitions, and discussed the evaluation of Nihonga paintings in China. In terms of catalogues of works exhibited in these five exhibitions, there are type-set catalogues for the First and Second exhibitions, bound into the Ministry of Foreign Affairs records, Tenrankai kankei zakken, vol. 1 [Miscellaneous items related to exhibitions], in the Diplomatic Record Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. A pamphlet-sized catalogue was produced for the Beijing venue of the 3rd exhibition, and a single sheet catalogue was distributed at the Shanghai venue of the 3rd exhibition. A single sheet catalogue was printed for each of the 4th exhibition venues in Tokyo and Osaka. The 5th exhibition was held at Shanghai and Dalian venues, with a pamphlet catalogue of Chinese paintings and a single sheet catalogue of Japanese paintings published for the Shanghai venue. A single pamphlet catalogue recording both Chinese and Japanese paintings was produced for the Dalian venue. These various catalogues are important reference materials regarding the state of affairs of the Chinese painting circles of the early Zhonghua Minguo (Republic of China) period, and are also extremely rare documents recording one extreme of the market for paintings during that period. However no organization in Japan has original copies of all of these catalogues. Those extant are scattered amongst the Diplomatic Record Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, and the Tokyo National University of Fine Arts and Music. The dearth of extant originals of these publications makes viewing of the actual materials difficult. Thus, this issue presents the exhibition catalogues for all five exhibitions. The data elements from some of the catalogues have been rearranged, and a consecutive numbering system has been added, but with those exceptions, the original data and contents of the catalogues have been fully reproduced. Please see the notes section at the end of each catalogue listing regarding the physical format and bibliographic information for each catalogue.

著者

田中 淳

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.398, pp.52-81, 2009-08-31

---

Introduction The magazine Seitô (Bluestockings) was first published in September 1911 by a group centered on Hiratsuka Raichô. It was the first magazine in the history of modern Japan to assert women's liberation through literary works. At the time, the term "atarashii onna," literally "new woman, " was popular in Japan, largely in journalism. The aim of this research note is to test the hypothesis that Yorozu Tetsugorô had this "new woman" image and the new expressive form of Italian Futurist paintings in mind when he created his work entitled Woman with a Balloon.1. A meeting at a Zen center, Ryobôan: Yorozu Tetsugorô and Hiratsuka Raicho This article indicated that, at the very least, Yorozu Tetsugorô and Hiratsuka Raichô knew each other's faces, even if they had not actually met, thanks to having both attended a Zen center in Tokyo called Ryobôan for a few months in 1906.2. The "New Woman" as visual image Yorozu exhibited his Landscape with Chimney featuring a dazzling sun in the Fusain Society exhibition held in October 1912. Hiratsuka Raichô and her fellow Seitô members went to see this exhibition and undoubtedly saw Yorozu's entry. While Hiratsuka layered images of the sun with images of women, Yorozu, influenced by Van Gogh and others, painted a glittering sun. Further, Hiratsuka' s statement at the time likened herself and her magazine fellows as "balloons" created by journalism and like those balloons, they would float away in many different directions. The article indicates that amidst such influences, Yorozu linked the image of "new woman" with that of "balloons."3. From Italian Futurists to Woman with a Balloon In June and July 1913, two major general magazines of the day, Taiyo and Chûô Kôron, both featured special issues on the question of "the female problem" which evoked great reaction. Around that time "the new woman" was created as both a social issue and as a visual image. Concurrently, the painter Yorozu's interests turned from his earlier focus on Post-Impressionist painting to the early 20th century Italian Futurists and Cubism. Yorozu was also interested in the theater and he provided the stage decoration for Matsui Sumako's theater group in September 1913. Indeed, "actresses" could be seen as one form of "new woman." The article concludes that Woman with a Balloon was a symbolic expression of an unidentified "new woman" created by Yorozu at that time in the "new expression" of contemporary European art.

著者

熊谷 宣夫

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.194, pp.29-39, 1957-12-10

---

The first expedition of the Ōtani Mission in 1902 brought back a terra-cotta figure of Jivajivaka (P1. V) and a smaller figure of the same (Fig. 2). The twin heads of the larger Jivajivaka are obviously those of a man and a woman, while those of the smaller Jivajivaka show man-like monkeys, examples of which are considerably numerous in Khotan. The Saiiki Koko Zufu (Illustrated Archaeology of Chinese Turkistan) describes both of them to be from Kum-tura, but it is evident, through comparison with the collections of terra-cotta figures by Hedin and Stein, that they were made in Khotan. These collections, however, do not contain any piece of Jivajivaka. As far as known to date the subject figure is the only specimen of its kind. The wall-painting from a small cave-temple at Sängim-aghis near Turfan, brought back by the second and third German Missions under Le Coq in 1904-1907 (Fig. 6; Chotscho, Tafel 15–c), contains pictures of two Jivajivaka, one with heads of young man and woman, and the other with heads of a boy and girl. At the centres of the scenes containing these Jivajivaka respectively are love scenes of Indian-style men and women, and the two-headed birds appear to play the part of glorifying their love. However, the only mention of Jivajivaka found in Buddhist scriptures is the one in the Fo-pen-hing-tsi-king Sutra, Vol. 59, which tells a story about a two-headed bird living in the Snow Mountains (the Himalayas) whose two heads quarrel with each other. Ancient Chinese tales have various two-headed animals. One of them, with a bird's body, is known as Pi-i-niao (birds with common wings), but their heads are not those of humans. In 1955 a hundred odd bronze Buddhistic objects were discovered in Hsi-hsia-hsien, Honan, China, one of which (Fig. 1), like the subject terra-cotta figure and that in the wall-painting, was a Jivajivaka with heads of man and woman. These three examples from Khotan, Turfan and Honan were probably made during the seventh century in which T'ang China kept these districts under its single control. As examples later than the above-mentioned three, there are a couple of Kalavinka depicted in the foreground of the Land of Sakyamuni (Fig. 4), a painting brought back from Tun-huang by Stein in 1908 (Thousand Buddhas, Pl. VII); in a fragment of a wall-painting also brought back by Stein in 1915 from Kara-Khoto (Fig. 5; H. Andrews: Wall Paintings, Pl. IX) the Jivajivaka resumes its two bird heads. It seems to have been a tradition over a long period of time in China to couple a Jivajivaka with a Kalavinka; the Ying-tsao-fa-shih (Architectural Codes), Vol. 33 by Li Ming-chung of the Sung Dynasty describes them as a pair to be used for a motif of architectural ornamentation (Fig. 3). As the Buddhist scripture tells, both Jivajivaka and Kalavinka are supernatural birds with melodious voices, and are indispensable companions in ceremonies of worshipping the Buddha, but their unique characteristics lead us to think that they appear to be along the line of the Sirens of the west. The terra-cotta figure from Khotan, located westernmost of the above-mentioned three districts, is a plastic work having something in common in form with the bronze figure of Siren in Louvre (Fig. 9; THL. 100-c); the radial pattern on its damaged halo is similar to that on an Persian silver dish (Fig. 10) introduced by Dalton (Treasure of the Oxas, Pl. XXI), and also with that on a terra-cotta disk from Yotkan (Fig. 11; Serindia, Pl. II) which was imitated after the dish. The terra-cotta figure, thus, is rich in western flavour. Its woman head, however, which has its hair dressed in tall T'ang style coiffeur, indicates eastern element also at work. The subject matter of the wall-painting from Sämgim-aghis is certainly in Indian style, but its manner of depiction is entirely in T'ang style, and the wave patterns found in the painting are of the same kind as those presented in low relief on the lotus pond in what is known as Lady Tachibana's Shrine which evidences T'ang inspiration. Because it is a wall-painting, it could have as well freely described a legendary tale, but the present writer, not well versed in Buddhist scriptures, can only hazard a conjecture that the men and women in them may possibly be spirits of water. The bronze figure from Hsi-hsia-hsien is more of a relief work than of full sculpture, and the workmanship shown here is crude; although it is a recently discovered piece, it is less expressive than the previously known two. This terra-cotta figure in sculpture, and the pictures in the wall-painting from Sämgim-aghis, are to be called fine specimens which have rendered the unusual creature with human feeling and rich effect of reality.

著者

猪川 和子

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.294, pp.1-12, 1974-12-20

著者

秋山 光和

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.220, pp.1-22, 1962-10-10

著者

秋山 光和

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.212, pp.34-39, 1961-02-15

著者

秋山 光和

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.211, pp.1-28, 1960-12-28

著者

秋山 光和

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.224, pp.22-36, 1963-03-30

著者

秋山 光和

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.187, pp.1-35, 1957-03-11

著者

秋山 光和

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.252, pp.32-37, 1968-03-25

著者

秋山 光和

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.238, pp.1-21, 1966-02-17