著者

綿田 稔

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.393, pp.30-60, 2008-01-28

---

Sôtan (1420-1481) was a Daiô school Zen monk of the Rinzai sect, and he was a Kyoto-based painter during the mid Muromachi period. While it is known that his secular family name was Oguri, his birthplace and family's social standing are not known. Sôtan is known to have studied Zen under Yôsô Sôi of Daitoku-ji, and it is believed that he studied painting from the monk-painter Shûbun of Shôkoku-ji. He created a landscape painting with inscriptions by four Zen priests from the Chinese poetry salon of Reisen-in, Ken'nin-ji, in 1459. In 1462, he painted the Eight Views of the Xiao and Xiang on shôji sliding doors at Shôsen-ken, a building in the Untaku-ken of the Unchô-in subtemple of Shôkoku-ji temple. By that time Sôtan had already been highly praised for his genius at painting by Ashikaga Yoshimasa, the 8th shogun of the Muromachi shogunate. That same year (1462), Sôtan became a monk under Shunpo Sôki at Daitoku-ji and was dubbed Kan’ô Sôtan. Around the end of the same year he built a hermitage at Aneyakôji-Nishinotoin in the market district of Kyoto, and his new home was named Jiboku-an by Kikei Shinzui, a priest who lived at Inryô-ken in the Rokuon-in subtemple of Shokoku-ji. The following year Sôtan was appointed painter to the shogun, a position that, like that of Shûbun, the previous generation of official painter to the shogunal family, entailed the receipt of a monthly stipend and year-end bonus. In 1466 Sôtan participated in the trip to Arima (present-day part of Kobe city) for recuperative bathing taken by Kikei Shinzui, Taga Takatada, and other high-ranking members of the shogunate. Sôtan painted a view of the hot springs village as seen from in front of the Amida-dô Hall in the town. This is important as a record of an outdoor sketch of a specific landscape in Japan. During the Ônin Civil War, Sôtan evacuated to the Muromachi Palace, where the emperor and the shogun were temporarily both residing. There is one incident known from this time, when Sôtan had trouble with his hand and the shogun ordered the official doctors to heal him. Such incidents indicate the importance of Sôtan to the shogun. Records show that in addition to his work on the Shôsen-ken sliding door paintings, Sôtan also created sliding door paintings for the Takakura Palace (the later incarnation of the Karasuma Palace, which would eventually become the Imadegawa Palace), the Untaku-ken, the New Izumidono Building of the Muromachi Palace, the residence of Ino'o Yukitane, and Yôtoku-in subtemple of Daitoku-ji. The paintings for the New Izumidono Building of the Muromachi Palace were created on a commission from Ashikaga Yoshimasa to commemorate Retired Emperor GoHanazono's visit. Sporadic records of paintings by Sôtan remain until 1473, and it can be surmised that he also received a considerable stipend for his main work commissioned by Ashikaga Yoshimasa for the Kokawa Palace and the reconstructed Muromachi Palace. It is difficult to imagine that Sôtan would not have been active in the renovation of temple buildings at Daitoku-ji. Sôtan died in 1481 at the age of 69, just before Ashikaga Yoshimasa began work on the Higashiyama Palace. Sôtan had a son named Kei Gessen (also known as Kitabô) who was also a monk-painter. However, Sôtan's position as shogunal painter was not inherited by his son, he was succeeded by Kanô Masanobu in his role of official painter to the shogunal family. Kanô Masanobu was immediately put to work the wall paintings for the new Higashiyama Palace. In later years, what would become the Kanô school of painting hastened Japanese painting along the path to the premodern era. Sôtan was not only an intermediary between Shûbun and the Kanô school, he was also the central painter of Ashikaga Yoshimasa's reign as shogun. Regardless of whether or not original works remain by Sôtan, his importance in art history cannot be overemphasized. The study of Sôtan, not only the study of Shûbun, is essential for a detailed understanding of the culture that matured and flourished during Ashikaga Yoshimasa's shogunate. To understand that culture, one also must go beyond a consideration of the wasteful public cultural projects initiated by Yoshimasa, a political failure who turned his back on the world in his search for pleasure, to consider a culture not in tandem with the political failure and also not encompassed by a prejudiced term “Higashiyama Culture.” Thus this article aims to organize available research materials and examine them in detail in order to create a basis for future study on Sôtan.

著者

綿田 稔

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.394, pp.1-40, 2008-03-28

---

For résumé, see Bijutsu Kenkyu No. 393

著者

綿田 稔

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.395, pp.20-56, 2008-08-28

---

For résumé, see Bijutsu Kenkyu No. 393

著者

皿井 舞

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.408, pp.95-104, 2013-01-18

---

Jinkôin is a Shingon sect temple located in the Kita ward of Kyoto. Kamo Yoshihisa, the head priest of the Kamo-wake-ikazuchi Shrine, established the temple at the beginning of the 13th century. The author conducted a survey of the Standing Image of Jizô Bosatsu at the temple in October 2010. This article presents the basic data on this previously little-known work. The survey revealed that there are inscriptions next to the right foot and left foot of the figure. The inscription includes the priest’s name, Chôyô, and the date 1312 (Shôwa 1), thus clarifying the date of production and the name of the person involved in its creation. Further, nine small wooden standing images of Jizô fell from the split edges of the image’s construct, and other small wooden images of bodhisattvas were found in the sculpture’s interior. Judging from the sculptural style, this work is thought to have been carved by an Inpa school sculptor and is an extremely important example of the basic Inpa school style of Buddhist images created at the end of the Kamakura period. During Japan’s medieval period it was common for Buddhist stupas and sutra storage areas to be built inside Shinto shrine compounds and for the Shinto deities and Buddhist gods to be worshipped as a single unit. Chôyô, the head priest of the Kamo-wake-ikazuchi Shrine, is surmised to have become a priest on the basis of his Buddhist beliefs. This work is known as a good physical manifestation of medieval Japan’s unique amalgamation of simultaneous Buddhist and Shinto worship. In this sense, the work can be said to be extremely important.

著者

皿井 舞

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.404, pp.69-81, 2011-08-30

---

The standing wooden image of Prince Shotoku (figure H. 76.3 cm), reveals workmanship superior to that seen in other examples of the subject. Nevertheless, the work has not been mentioned since the publication of photographs of the image in Ishida Mosaku, ed., Shotoku taishi sonzó shúsei [Photographs on Portraits of Prince Shotoku] (Kôdansha, 1976). The reason for this hiatus lies in the fact that by the time of the 1976 publication, the sculpture had changed hands, and the details of that transfer were long unknown. The author, however, obtained permission from the image'scurrent owner, Korinji, and was able to conduct a survey of the work. This article presents the detailed findings of that study with the aim of introducing this work as reference material for further research. It confirms that the image is in the style of the Araki-Azabu sect of the Shinran school of Pure Land Buddhism, and suggests that the work was created in the first half of the 14th century (late Kamakura period).

著者

梅津 次郎

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.226, pp.24-40, 1963-11-30

---

Ishiyama-dera Ekotoba (Text for the Picture Scroll of the History of the Ishiyama-dera), owned by Kyoto National Museum and so named by the author, is put into print here for the first time. This one roll of text, which actually lacks its pictures, is important material for the study of scroll paintings in general concerning the Ishiyama-dera. The content is the same as that of Ishiyamadera Engi Emaki (Picture Scroll of the History of the Ishiyama-dera), an “Important Cultural Property” preserved in the Ishiyama-dera, Shiga Prefecture. In the author's opinion, the handwriting of the Kyoto Museum text is by one hand and is the same hand as the writing of the first, second and third volumes of the Ishiyama-dera picture scroll, the writing attributed to Kōshu, an archbishop of the temple who was active in the late fourteenth century. The introduction at the beginning of the first volume of the Ishiyama-dera picture scroll states that the plan for the picture scroll was made in the Shōchū Era (1324–25). The text of the picture scroll is written by one person from the first to the third volumes; and the fifth volume certainlyby another almost contemporary hand; and those of the fourth, sixth and seventh volumes are of a later period. The writer tried a comparison between these two materials by collating the texts. The comparison with the first, second and third volumes brought no conclusion about their historical relation, but comparison with the fifth volume indicates that the fifth part of the Kyoto Museum text is a less advanced form as are the parts corresponding to the first, second, and third volumes. The same thing is observed in the fourth, sixth and seventh parts. Further, the examination of the details clarifies the existence of an earlier manuscript or picture scroll of the same kind to which the copyist of the Ishiyama-dera Ekotoba was able to refer. In other words, this means that the Ishiyama-dera Engi Emaki owned by the Ishiyamadera is not an original of the Shōchū Era. This evidence would support the author's theory mentioned in vol. 6 of the Bijutsushi, that the writer of the text of the first, second, and third volumes of the Ishiyama-dera Engi Emaki is Kōshu and that the scroll painting does not date back to the Shōchū Era.

著者

顔 娟英 塚本 麿充

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.398, pp.31-51, 2009-08-31

---

During the period of Japanese rule in Taiwan (1895-1945), the Japanese transplanted modern art as well, mainly in the areas of Western-style painting and Japanesestyle painting (Nihonga). Of these, Western painting received more emphasis. Art education in the primary and secondary schools of the time put greater emphasis on basic training in Western art, and there were comparatively fewer channels for learning Japanese painting. Meanwhile, the officially sponsored annual Taiwan Fine Arts Exhibition (Taiten), from its inception in 1927, set up two painting categories – the Oriental painting (tôyôga) division and Western painting division - with the intent of promoting the development of Japanese painting in Taiwan under the name of "Oriental painting," a catch-all term. However, the development of Japanese painting in Taiwan encountered great difficulties, to the point that painters and critics were speaking of the decline or demise of Japanese painting. In the autumn of 1942, a round table talk on Taiwanese art was organized by the magazine Taiwan Kôron (Taiwan Public Opinion). One of the topics under hot debate was that Nihonga was apparently in decline, and would be replaced eventually by Western-style painting. The purpose of this essay is not to deny completely the influence that Japanese painting had in Taiwan but to focus on the contradictions, even the ironies, of the attempts to foster the development of Japanese painting in Taiwan. This paper seeks to elucidate certain aspects of Japanese painting in colonial Taiwan by discussing the promotion of "local color," the performance of artists and judges in the Japanese painting division of the Taiten, the attempts by Taiwanese artists to study Japanese painting, and the difficulties these artists encountered. The limited foundation for Nihonga is evident from the first Taiten. For the Taiwanese youth, their formal art education was mostly limited to the primary school level, and ink painting was completely neglected in their painting classes. Furthermore, quite a few of the artists accepted into the tôyôga division were Japanese officials and businessmen resident in Taiwan who had artistic interests and were members of amateur Japanese painting groups. Therefore, from the catalog one can find styled paintings of historical figures, genre paintings, and portraits of warlords, but the traditional Taiwanese style was strictly excluded. In short, within the short period that the officially sponsored exhibitions were held (1927-1943), it was naturally impossible for Taiwan, as a Japanese colony lacking art schools as well as local history and culture classes, to absorb Nihonga and convert it into a painting style capable of modernity and a profound expression of Taiwan's natural and social environment. Certainly, Nihonga, which was restricted to a limited view of local color, would die out in Taiwan before too long.

著者

伊東 卓治

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.184, pp.39-65, 1956-03-25

---

The Hyōsei-shū written in four horizontal scrolls and the Kanjō Ajari Senji Kanchō in one scroll, recently discovered in the Shōren-in Monastery in Kyoto by Prof. AKAMATSU Toshihide of the Kyoto University and Mr. ŌTA Kizō of the Kyoto Municipality, attract out attention as they have valuable writings inscribed on the back sides of their paper base. The Hyōsei-shū in Chinese : Piao-chih-chi) is a record concerning the T'ang priest Pu-K'ung San-tsang, its original being in six scrolls; the latter is a collection of Imperial documents investing kanjō ajari (ācārya or masterpriests qualified to baptize others) in the Enryaku-ji Monastery, and documents from the Prime Minister investing ajari (ācārya) in the Gangyō-ji and Hosshō-ji Monasteries, its original probably consisting of two scrolls. Both are manuscripts associated with the Esoteric Buddhism, and are imagined to have been possessed by Ryōyū, the head priest of the Shōren-in in its second generation from the eleventh to twelfth centuries. Both the documents were inscribed on the blank reverse sides of used sheets of paper. The obverse sides are chiefly manuscripts and letters addressed to a priest, presumably the above-mentioned Ryōyū, and some other letters and discarded documents. (Translator's note: In early times when paper was precious, back sides of already used paper sheets were frequently utilized for writing. Very often the second writings are more important historically, so that the original obverse sides with the first writings are treated as if they were the reverse sides. In these cases the original writings are called "paper-back writings".) The Hyōsei-shū was inscribed by priest Shunchō in 1087. The Kanjō Ajar i Senji Kanchō was inscribed about the same time by an unknown calligraphist, probably on the model of the same documents originally owned by the priest Jikaku Daishi. The present study is devoted to researches on the contents, characteristics and the significance in the history of Japanese calligraphy, of the manuscripts and letters on the original obverse sides of the scrolls. They comprise sixty--five items altogether, consisting of eight documents, seven letters in Chinese characters, and fifty letters in kana (Japanese syllabaries). Most of the letters are by members of the family of the courtier FUJIWARA Tamefusa (1049-1115): eleven Chinese-character letters by Tamefusa, forty-two kana letters by Tamefusa's wife, and two Chinese-character letters supposedly by Tamefusa's son. Their dates are mostly in the Ōtoku era (1084-1086). Other items include documents with dates of Eiho 3 to 4 (1082-1084) and Ōtoku 2 (1085), and kana letters whose writers and dates are unknown. It is interesting to find in one of them a statement about smallpox, for it is recorded in history that the Crown Prince Sanehito died of smallpox on the eighth day of the eleventh month of Ōtoku 2 (1085). The kana letters by Tamefusa's wife are the only examples of the sort known to date. They are very important materials in the history of calligraphy, for they enable us to date the surviving portions of the anthology Reika shu (known as "Kōshi-gire", calligraphed by Ko-ōgimi) and of the Collected Poems by Lady Saigū (known as "Kōjima-gire", calligraphed by Ono-no-Tōfū) showing marked resemblance in style to them, in approximately the same period as these letters. Furthermore, some of the kana letters by unknown writers contain early specimens of calligraphic style akin to those of the "Indigo Paper Version" of the anthology Man-yo-shu ascribed by some scholars to the hand of FUJIWARA Koremochi, and of the record of a poetry contest known as "Jūgo-ban Uta-awase"; the kana letters by Tamefusa written to his children also are unique examples. To summarize, the discovery of the writings on the back of these scrolls supplies us valuable materials of kana writing which help us in chronological editing of other specimens in the second half of the eleventh century. It is significant also that they include kana letters with dates and the names of writers.

著者

大串 純夫

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.176, pp.44-50, 1954-11-20

著者

江上 綏

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.327, pp.1-21, 1984-03-15

---

The Enryakuji, Shiga, owns two old sets of indigo-paper Lotus Sutra with cover paintings and frontispieces, which seem to have been handed down by the temple from the Heian Period. One is a set with gold and silver text which the auther presumes to be from about the second quarter of the eleventh century of the late Heian Period (See No. 309 of Bijutsu Kenkyū), and the other is a set with silver text. The latter is the main subject of the present paper. Vols. 2, 3, 5, and 7 of this version retain their original covers with cover paintings and frontispieces in gold and silver on the outside and inside (Pls. I to IV-a). The covers of Vols. 1, 6 and 8 (PI. IV-b, figs. 31 to 35) are later replacements made with blank parts from the text portions of certain scrolls of the set when the set was repaired. Each of them also has a cover painting and a frontispiece both in silver, the frontispiece being drawn over the ruled lines for text. As for the original portions of the set, there are several unique points compared with many of the remaining examples of this kind of illuminated sutra sets. The width (height) of the scrolls is extraordinarily large measuring over 28 cm (See Charts 1 and 3); The cover paintings are rare, stiff style of Tiang type imaginary floral scrolls; The frontispieces are unique in style with extremely stylized depiction of figures ; The text calligraphy is different from ordinary calligraphy styles of Chinese and Japanese sutra manuscripts from the eighth to the eleventh centuries, the time period in which the production date of the set would be put. The dates and provenances proposed by scholars for the work vary. Korea and Japan are referred to as its provenance and the presumed dates range at least from the ninth century to the tenth century. The original frontispieces of this version, those of the Lotus Sutra version without the Opening and Closing Sutras (so-called eight-scroll version) owned by the Honkōji (Pls. V and VI), and that on the isolated Lotus Sutra Vol. 6 cover in the Hofer Collection kept at the Fogg Art Museum (fig. 23) are known to be close in terms of the choice of the subjects and general compositions. The former two versions are particularly close. The cover paintings of these two versions, as well, are the same kind of Tang type imaginary floral scrolls,while that of the Hofer fragment is of a different kind although it also is a T'ang type imaginary floral scroll design. It is not only the case with the Enryakuji silver-text version but also with the other two versions mentioned just above that the scholars' dating and provenance judgement vary. The present author, by comparing the styles of their cover paintings, frontispieces and text calligraphy to one another and to the styles of various works in different fields of visual art, demonstrates the idea that the Honkōji eight-scroll version is Chinese or Korean or Japanese work of the eighth century, that the Hofer version is a Chinese or Korean (perhaps Chinese) work of the end of the eighth century or the ninth century and that the Enryakuji silver-text version is a ninth century Korean. Ornamentations of other sutra works such as the late eighth or early ninth century Bommōkyō in the Tokyo National Museum, the late ninth or early tenth century Hannyashingyō in the Jinkōin and the Kongōshōji's Lotus Sutra set, perhaps datable to the late tenth century, were used for the comparison, together with Shōsōin handicrafts, Chinese stele decorations, Chinese, Korean and Japanese calligraphic materials, Tun-huang murals and others. The generel tendencies found in the measurement of the width of the Chinese, Korean and Japanese indigo-paper and purple-paper sutra scrolls from the eighth to the mid-eleventh centuries were taken into consideration for presuming their provenances, particularly that of the Enryakuji version, in this paper. It is a widely accepted theory that the Honkōji eight-volume version is later than the Enryakuji silver-text version. The theory about the order between the two in the present paper is the opposite. As for the covers of Vols. 1, 6 and 8 in the set in question, most scholars consider that they were made in the late eleventh or twelfth century. The present author theorizes that their cover paintings and frontispieces clearly manifest a style in between those of the Kongōshōji indigo-paper Lotus Sutra set which he thinks to date from the end of the tenth century or thereabouts and the Enryakuji gold-and-silver-text version of Lotus Sutra which he ascribes to the second quarter of the eleventh century, thus implying that the version in question was equipped with these supplementary covers as a part of repairs perhaps in the first quarter of the eleventh century, a century odd after the original production of the set. The present paper is thus an attempt to contribute to the establishment of the chronology and conceptions on provenances of the ornamental and ecclesiastical painting on this sort of early sutra manuscripts. The author is of opinion that the stylistic and iconographic development of such illuminations should be studied on the basis of this kind of fundamental efforts.

著者

江上 綏

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.247, pp.32-41, 1967-03-27

---

See Résumé, No. 238, the Bijutsu Kenkyu.

著者

江上 綏

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.250, pp.22-40, 1967-12-27

---

See Résumé, No. 238, the Bijustu Kenkyu.

著者

江上 綏

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.251, pp.27-28, 1968-02-27

---

The author discussed in Nos. 238 and 239 of this present journal the Japanese mediaeval book of landscape gardening Senzui narabini Yagyō no Zu Accompanied by Dōji Kudensho in relation to the history of gardens. When he presented this paper, only three manuscripts of this book were known to him, namely the text owned by Prof. Ōta, Shōjirō of the University of Tokyo, the text in the Mudoji Library of the Myōtokuin, Shiga, and the text in the Agriculture Library of the University of Kyoto. After that, another text in the library of Nihon University came to his attention. The present paper is a supplementary study of this book on which this additional text shed further light. It has become much easier to imagine the older form of the text through the acquisition of this new material of Nihon University which, along with the manuscript owned by Prof. Ōta, was perhaps transcribed in the early Edo Period. The newly found text is closer to the texts of Kyoto University and the Myōtokuin than to the one owned by Prof. Ōta. By minutely analyzing the differences between these four texts and another variant in the Sonkeikaku Lidrary of the Maeda Family, it became clear that the Nihon Univesity text is in the same genealogy as the texts of Kyoto University and the Myōtokuin. Nevertheless some portions of it are the same as Prof. Ōta's text, but differ from the other two. These portions are considered to retain the older form. But such portions are not many, indicating that the texts of Kyoto University and of the Myōtokuin, both of which were transcribed around 1740 and are versions very close to each other, keep the form of the earlier text rather well. The shapes of the rocks and trees drawn in the Nihon University manuscript are very close to those of the Kyoto University and Myōtokuin manuscripts. But they have one point in common with Prof. Ōmanuscript which the other two lack: the rocks are shaded in the manuscripts of Prof. Ōta and of Nihon University only. This may well be the way such features were depicted in the oldest text of this book.

著者

江上 綏

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.238, pp.26-41, 1966-02-17

---

The oldest existing Japanese book on methods of gardening is Sakuteiki (originally called Senzai Hishō) which, though written as early as the twelfth century, still remains an authoritative work. And the one which is generally considered to be the next oldest is Senzui narabini Yagyō no Zu (hereafter referred to as SYZ). While the former has many copies (the original is lost), of the latter now in question only one copied manuscript has been known to exist, which is a copy of 1466 in the Muromachi Period of an earlier manuscript and is now in the Sonkeikaku Library of the Maeda Family in Tokyo. But the present writer found another manuscript of the same book, though with considerably different contents, in the Mudōji Library of the Enryakuji Monastery in Shiga Prefecture in the spring of 1964, and then two other copies of the same book with the same context came to his knowledge, one being in the Agriculture Library of the University of Kyoto, and the other owned by Prof. ŌTA shojiro of the Historiographical Institute of the University of Tokyo. Prof. ŌTA's manuscript has a postscript with the date of 1654 but there are evidences which suggest that this is a copy written soon after 1654. The one of the Mudōji Library has a postscript of 1742 and is datable to this year. And the one in the Kyōto University, though having no postscript, is a very close copy to the Mudōji manuscript, having the same collation notes in red ink, the same arrangement of contents, and almost the same calligraphic characteristics. These three manuscripts have the same context as mentioned above. It consists of an abbreviated version of what is written in the Sonkeikaku manuscript, a list of people to whom the descending of this text is attributed, part called “Dōji Kudensho,” some itemized statements of a more superstitious kind, and some abstracts of the Sakuteiki. According to the present writer the part of “Dāji Kudensho” is close to Sakuteiki in its contents and the inference of the use of the words in this part is that this part is a thirteenth century methodological tradition which was most likely written down or rewritten around 1400, and the several more or less superstitious items following it and the list of people also, have no signs that they are later than the early part of the fifteenth century. The first part of the book, which is contained in the Sonkeikaku manuscript as well, is also equipped with linguistic features of the fifteenth-century learned society. Sakuteiki and SYZ have hitherto been considered to be of completely different schools of gardening method, and SYZ was by some scholars regarded as a book of the Kamakura Period (13th or 13th and 14th C.) and by some others, even earlier than Sakuteiki. But as the quotation from diaries of the fifteenth century show, the present writer is persuaded that the gardeners called “niwamono” who worked chiefly for the Shōgun, the head of the Muromachi military government, and for the people related to him in the capital of Kyoto, had a written tradition which covered the items included in this group of newly recovered manuscripts. And not only that but also the fact was found that some features in this context have a very close relationship to the architectural composition of the residences of these highly placed people. The idea of this book is also assorted with the theory of the Ommyōryō, or the Official Bureau for Yin and Yang Cult, of which some people are recorded as having had a leading part in directing the building of the gardens. All these facts lead us to the conclusion that the prototype of these books from which the newly-found text and the text of the Sonkeikaku manuscript were derived respectively, was compiled by someone related to the Ommyōryō, probably at the beginning of the fifteenth century. Thus a completely new viewpoint is given in this paper to the book SYZ and the history of gardening in Mediaeval Japan. The writer has also added some bibliological study of Sakuteiki, using its abstract contained in this group of manuscripts and the collation notes found in two of them. The entire text of this group of manuscripts will be printed in later numbers of this journal and be collated with the Sonkeikaku manuScript.

著者

江上 綏

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.239, pp.23-32, 1966-03-10

---

See No 238. Summary

著者

田中 淳

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.398, pp.52-81, 2009-08-31

---

Introduction The magazine Seitô (Bluestockings) was first published in September 1911 by a group centered on Hiratsuka Raichô. It was the first magazine in the history of modern Japan to assert women's liberation through literary works. At the time, the term “atarashii onna,” literally “new woman, ” was popular in Japan, largely in journalism. The aim of this research note is to test the hypothesis that Yorozu Tetsugorô had this “new woman” image and the new expressive form of Italian Futurist paintings in mind when he created his work entitled Woman with a Balloon.1. A meeting at a Zen center, Ryobôan: Yorozu Tetsugorô and Hiratsuka Raicho This article indicated that, at the very least, Yorozu Tetsugorô and Hiratsuka Raichô knew each other's faces, even if they had not actually met, thanks to having both attended a Zen center in Tokyo called Ryobôan for a few months in 1906.2. The “New Woman” as visual image Yorozu exhibited his Landscape with Chimney featuring a dazzling sun in the Fusain Society exhibition held in October 1912. Hiratsuka Raichô and her fellow Seitô members went to see this exhibition and undoubtedly saw Yorozu's entry. While Hiratsuka layered images of the sun with images of women, Yorozu, influenced by Van Gogh and others, painted a glittering sun. Further, Hiratsuka' s statement at the time likened herself and her magazine fellows as “balloons” created by journalism and like those balloons, they would float away in many different directions. The article indicates that amidst such influences, Yorozu linked the image of “new woman” with that of “balloons.”3. From Italian Futurists to Woman with a Balloon In June and July 1913, two major general magazines of the day, Taiyo and Chûô Kôron, both featured special issues on the question of “the female problem” which evoked great reaction. Around that time “the new woman” was created as both a social issue and as a visual image. Concurrently, the painter Yorozu's interests turned from his earlier focus on Post-Impressionist painting to the early 20th century Italian Futurists and Cubism. Yorozu was also interested in the theater and he provided the stage decoration for Matsui Sumako's theater group in September 1913. Indeed, “actresses” could be seen as one form of “new woman.” The article concludes that Woman with a Balloon was a symbolic expression of an unidentified “new woman” created by Yorozu at that time in the “new expression” of contemporary European art.

著者

陰里 鉄郎

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.306, pp.1-11, 1977-03-31

---

Very little is known concerning Keiga KAWAHARA (1786- after 1860), a painter in Nagasaki, although he developed a unique Western-influenced repertory in painting there. Almost none of the considerable number of paintings he left are dated. Many of his works have his seal but few have his signature. His paintings can be classified into two categories. One is a group of works painted for foreigners and the other is a group of works for Japanese. The first group includes those made for J. C. BLOMHOFF (1779-1853), J. G. F. Van Overmeer FISSCHER (18001848) and P. F. Von SIEBOLT (1796-1866), at their request out of their political and academic interest. Keiga's works, in the Blomhoff-Fisscher Collection in the Rijks-museum voor Volkenkunde at Leiden, Netherlands, seem to have greatly contributed to the book on Japan written by Fisscher. The frontispiece of this book has a painting of an arrangement of several small pieces by Keiga. These small paintings are his copies Hokusai KATSUSHIKA'S wood-blockprinted book Hokusai Manga. Fisscher's description of typical Japanese life meets exactly with the scenes in a handscroll painting titled “Life of the Japanese”, which was presumably executed by Keiga. Koga Bikō, a Japanese book on old paintings compiled in mid-nineteenth century, contains a passage mentioning that Hokusai made a set of two illustrated handscrolls titled “Life of the Japanese” for a Dutchman. There must be some kind of a relationship between these works. The Rijks-museum voor Volkenkunde owns thirteen hanging scroll paintings by Keiga, four in the Siebold Collection and seven in the Blomhoff-Fisscher Collection. All thirteen scrolls have the artist's signature, an exceptional fact. These two collections are from different but successive periods. Therefore, they are useful materials for studying the development of Keiga's style, from 1817 to 1829. The works in these collections indicate that Keiga studied the methods of the Tosa-school-type of traditional Japanese painting and worked in the style of SHÊN Ch'üan, a Chinese painter who came to Nagasaki.

著者

陳 韻如 都甲 さやか

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.417, pp.1-42, 2016-01-21

---

“Bird-and-flower” and “landscape” subject matter had both already appeared in Chinese painting during the Tang dynasty. Despite differences from the perspective of discourse with landscape painting, which had developed its own, no specialized terminology for bird-and-flower painting had appeared at that time. Nevertheless, the history of bird-andflower painting from the Tang to Song dynasties is of great importance. This study analyzes significant results in the development of bird-and-flower painting between the Tang and Song dynasties (eighth to eleventh centuries). In doing so, the author has discovered that changes and developments in the idea of “landscaping” led to a process of incubation, formation, and development for bird-and-flower painting during the Tang to Song period. Several essential points in the study include the following. First, archaeological evidence from wall paintings reveals that, in the period between the eighth and ninth centuries, bird-and-flower subject matter developed out of the different categories of figure painting and decorative design. Second, the study shows the maturation of “natural landscaping” around the ninth and tenth centuries, in which refined scenery was arranged in a painting according to the nature of the things depicted therein, representing the beginnings for the foundation of an independent bird-andflower painting category. And third, with the achievements of such painters as Huang Quan and Huang Jucai in the latter half of the tenth century, the results originally in “natural landscaping” went through a period of change, leading to the pursuit of a further developments for a “fusion of feeling and setting” seen in the paintings of Cui Bo later in the eleventh century. This study points out that the construct of “painting surface” in bird-and-flower painting of the eleventh century differed from that of the previous generations. Not only did “units” develop according to the nature of things on the “painting surface,” an emphasis was placed on the relationship between these “units” to form a “fusion” of unity, thereby expressing further meaning and implication beyond the view of nature in the painting. The probe in this study of a series of developments explains the “transformations in bird-and-flower painting” in terms of trajectories, influences, and art-historical significance.

著者

猪川 和子

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.303, pp.1-9, 1976-10-25

---

The main hall of the Nakayamadera, Takarazuka City, Hyōgo, houses three Eleven-headed Avalokiteśvara images. Of the three, the main image is of the Heian Period and the other two are from the Kamakura Period. The main image has some extraordinary features. According to the Nakayamadera Raiyuki, which describes the history of the temple, a ritual of thirty-three temples with Avalokiteśvara images was held at the Nakayamadera in 988. Therefore one presumes that the main image had been made by that time. On the other hand, a geographical book published in 1701, Setsuyō Gundan records an old legend of a miracle that Jishin, a priest of this temple in the early tenth century, made an Elevenheaded Avalokiteśvara image fly. The main statue of the temple (Pls. VII, VIII) is carved out of one block of kaya wood. This image is characterized by a strange facial expression and extraordinarily shaped hair, arms and legs. The exaggerated arc-shaped eye-brows are connected to each other by a large flat ridge in-between. Eyes are upturned and an iron nail is driven into the pupil of each eye. The hair swirls above the ears. The flexed left arm orients its palm downward with its fingers bent backwards. The big toe of the left leg is also bent upward. Similar characteristics are found in such ninth century works as the Elevenheaded Avalokiteśvara of the Hokkeji and in such tenth century examples as the Eleven-headed Avalokiteśvara of the Hasedera, Fukuoka; the Samantabhadra of the Fugenji, Mie; the Avalokiteśvara of the Seisuiji, Nagano; and the Sūryaprabha and Candraprabha of the Daizenji, Yamanashi. The main image of the Nakayamadera may have evolved from a prototype like the Avaloksteśvara of the Hokkeji, a small unpainted wooden statue traditionally said to reflect a style closely related to that in India. Of the other two, the Eleven-headed Avalokiteśvara in Pl. IXa stylistically resembles some statues supposed to have been made by sculptors related to the Saidaiji. Since the Tada Clan which lived in the area had connections with both this temple and the Saidaiji, it seems probable that this Nakayamadera image as well was made by a sculptor related to the Saidaiji. The last statue (Pl. IXb) is also from about the same time.

著者

大谷 省吾

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.410, pp.38-54, 2013-09-13

---

Landscape with an Eye (1938) by Ai-Mitsu (1907–1946) is an altogether puzzling painting. The single eye, peering out at the viewer from the midst of a strange, lumpen, fleshy form, exerts a strong impression on its viewer, and yet a sense of mystery remains, what is the lump of flesh, whose eye is it? This painting is often called “a major example of Japanese Surrealism,” but what in fact actually influenced the painter to create this work? And is this positioning of the work appropriate? While various scholars have expressed a diverse range of interpretations, there has yet to be an established theory about the painting. In 2010 the Independent Administrative Institution National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, Tokyo, conducted an infrared photographic examination of the Landscape with an Eye. This article is an attempt at reinterpreting the painting on the basis of the new facts discerned from that examination. In detail, Part 1 considers the studies have been conducted on the work in the past and summarizes the previous issues raised, while Part 2 (to be published in Bijutsu Kenkyû 411) will discuss what new interpretations are possible based on the findings of the photographic survey.Part 1 Issues Were Raised by Previous Studies Landscape with an Eye was displayed in the 8th Dokuritsu Bijutsu Kyôkai exhibition held in 1938, where it was awarded the Dokuritsu Prize. At the time it was simply titled “Landscape [Fûkei].” Its current title was given to the work by a friend of the artist when a retrospective of Ai- Mitsu’s works was held in the post-war era. In 1966 the painting was acquired by the National Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo, and around that time the judgment that the painting is a major example of Surrealist painting created in Japan was set. Detailed analysis of the work and studies of its influence relationship particularly advanced in the years since the 1988 retrospective. Previous studies of the work have largely heralded two theories about the nature of the unidentified form that occupies the majority of the composition, stating it is either a lion, or a tree stump. From 1936 onwards, Ai-Mitsu visited the Ueno Zoological Gardens and made various sketches of the animals in the zoo and particularly created a large number of works with lion motifs. In all of these works the depiction of the lion is not literal and explanatory, but rather a section of the beast that would emerge from amidst a dark setting, or the animal is shown lying on its back. Thus he had a distinctive way of painting lions, and there are many scholars who believe that Landscape with an Eye was painted as along the trajectory from these lion images. In other words, up until now the persuasive argument has been that while he first began depicting lions, as he advanced in his depiction, gradually their forms were transformed, finally arriving at the creation of puzzling forms like that seen in this painting. There is also the theory that the form is simply the base of a tree stump. Mori Shikô, a painter and friend of Ai-Mitsu’s, recalled that around the first half of the 1930s Ai-Mitsu got a tree stump from the local gardener and brought it into his studio, where he used it in composing his paintings. In addition to the tree stump, Ai-Mitsu’s studio also included a mix of various objects, from bird corpses to dried fish and small stones. Thus the theory exists that these objets became the starting point for some of his works. There are convincing elements to both the lion and the tree stump theories. It is hard to deny either, and indeed one of the fascinating elements of this works is the duality of its images, and the fact that its images stand in the gap between formation and dismantling. On the other hand, there is one thing that is clearly painted in the composition, the eye. Up until now many of the scholars who have discussed the work have focused on the idea that in 1938, in other words a time when Japan was at war, Ai-Mitsu felt a sense of oppression, and the owner of this eye has been interpreted as either Ai-Mitsu himself, or it has been interpreted as the watchful eye of authority oppressing free expression. Dehara Hitoshi has noted the print by the Renaissance sculptor Jean Goujon that was published in the catalogue of the Fantastic Art, Dada, Surrealism exhibition held at the Museum of Modern Art, New York in 1936. This print was then re-published in the Japanese magazine Mizue. Dehara goes on to state that given the use of a “collage method in which a human eye was placed in the midst of an unrelated boulder,” Landscape with an Eye was in fact influenced by Surrealism. The fact that this strange lump in the composition has multiple interpretations also links it to Salvador Dali’s double image technique, and further suggests a Dali influence in the slight bit of horizon line visible on the right edge of the composition. For these reasons Dehara concluded that Landscape with an Eye is a major example of Japanese Surrealism. There are also those who have indicated the influence of Max Ernst and Kurt Seligmann. In fact, points in common between the Landscape with an Eye and Ernst’s series of forest paintings can also be indicated in areas such as the manner in which the border between forest and sky was painted. Seligmann himself came to Japan in 1936 and held a solo exhibition, and the glass paintings displayed in that show may have given Ai-Mitsu hints on layered pigment application. Ai-Mitsu was in fact influenced by all three – Dali, Ernst and Seligmann. However, is Landscape with an Eye simply a copy of the new Western trend known as Surrealism? Takiguchi Shûzô, an art critic who knew Ai-Mitsu recalled, “The voices he heard from Surrealism were actually unique to Ai-Mitsu. Truly, I remember feeling that there was something sudden in the way he took in Ernst.” Takiguchi had the impression that Ai-Mitsu deviated quite a bit from original Surrealism. Isn’t it this deviated bit itself that is important. What was it? Wasn’t there some way of opening painting to new potential in this deviation? What we must first clarify is this point. Then, if this kind of potential can be found in Landscape with an Eye, I propose that we should not position this Landscape with an Eye as “Surrealist painting in Japan,” but rather we should assign it a different position, one suitable for this new potentiality. The 2010 infrared examination of the painting will open the path to such a new interpretation. Part 2 of this article will discuss these issues in detail.