著者

津田 徹英

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.408, pp.1-94, 2013-01-18

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In the 10th month of 1295, 33 years after Shinran’s death, his great-grandson Kakunyô (1270–1351) created the first illustrated biography of Shinran (1173–1263), the founder of the Jôdô Shinshû Buddhist sect. Immediately after this first production, Kakunyô made changes to the painting scrolls, and the extant Rin’a version records his involvement and the production date of the 10th month of 1295 in its colophon. Similarly, other extant versions exist today, namely the Takada version which was completed in the 12th month of 1295, the Kôei version which dates to 1343, the Shôganji version dated to 1344, the Gugan version dated to 1346 and the Josenbô version dated to 1360. All of these examples were created in handscroll form, as was the first version, contrary to the later trend to create Shinran illustrated biographies in hanging scroll format. Of particular note amongst all these is the Bukkôji version (proper name Zenshin Shônin Shinranden-e), which has been handed down at Bukkôji, the main temple of the Bukkôji school of the Jôdo Shinshû sect. The Bukkôji version consists of two handscrolls, and until the modern era there were only limited opportunities for the public to see the work, as it was carefully preserved and handed on at the temple. This careful handling has meant that the scrolls maintained their original bright colors, with almost no oxidation of the silver used and with almost no conservation work seen on the painting papers. Unfortunately, there are no extant documents directly related to the production of the Bukkôji version. The bright colors apparent on the scrolls have meant that previous scholars have considered the work to be younger than it is, with some scholars considering it to date from the 15th century, and some even to the 17th century. And yet, a careful re-examination of the Bukkôji version reveals that both the explanatory text and the paintings were reated at the same time, and that the explanatory texts are thought to be in imitation of the calligraphy style of Emperor Fushimi (1265–1317, reigned 1287–1298), known for its combined use of Chinese characters and Japanese syllabary. According to the Masukagami completed in the 14th century and the Shuboku-sho of Prince Son’en (1298–1356), it is known that the calligraphy style of Emperor Fushimi was highly regarded as the standard for the calligraphy of the day. Thus the explanatory texts of the Bukkôji version appear to have been created during a period when Emperor Fushimi’s calligraphy was deemed most important, in other words, sometime within the first century after his death. Further, the calligraphy on the Bukkôji version texts is particularly well written. Clearly a calligrapher of this talent level would have created the explanatory texts for other illustrated handscrolls. An examination of other extant medieval period illustrated handscrolls indicates that the same calligrapher was involved in the explanatory texts on scrolls 4, 8, and 9, and the colophon on scroll 10 of the Konrenji version of the Yûgyô shonin-engi-e. Further, the same calligrapher wrote the texts for scrolls 4 and 5 of the Tôji version of the Kôbô Daishi gyôjô-e. The latter work is known to have been created around 1374–78. In addition, the old records that accompany the latter handscrolls attribute the texts on scrolls 4 and 5 to “Go-Oshinokoji, the Minister of the Interior.” The question then arises, who was this Go-Oshinokoji former Naidaijin (the Minister of the Interior)? That title refers to Sanjô Kintada (1324–1383) who is known to have been the calligrapher of the 2nd volume of the Boki-e, thought to have been completed in 1351. A comparison of both the Chinese characters and the Japanese syllabary found in the Bukkôji version, the Konrenji version of the Yûgyô shonin Engi-e, the Tôji version of the Kôbô Daishi gyôjô-e and the Bukkoji version indicates that all of these works were written by the same hand. Given that the text and the paintings of the Bukkôji version were both created at the same time, and the fact that the calligrapher for the texts was Sanjô Kintada, then it is certain that the production of the Bukkôji version dates back to the 14th century. Given this dating, the paintings of the Bukkôji version must be reconsidered. In this reconsideration the author took note of the Josenbô version of the illustrated biography of Shinran created in 1360. There are many instances of the same motifs used in the various scenes on the Josenbô and the Bukkôji versions. This Josenbô version’s overall composition was based on the earlier Kôei version, and while the Josenbô version used the Kôei version as its model, it also incorporated some of the elements and scenes from the Bukkôji version. Thus, the Bukkôji version can be seen to pre-date the Josenbô version known to have been painted in 1360. Given that the year 1361 marked the centenary of Shinran’s death, the actual production of buildings for use in the centenary commemoration would have been carried out at that time, with a five-day period of dedication rituals for the new structures recorded to have been held in the 3rd month of 1360. It can then be surmised that the Bukkôji version was also created during this period. Thus the Bukkôji version creation has as its terminus the 1360 creation of the Josenbô version, and it would seem appropriate that it predated that time to some degree. Five examples of illustrated handscrolls with texts written by Sanjô Kintada are known, including the four extant works and one known through documents. Thus Kintada must be considered in the role of calligrapher for illustrated handscrolls when we consider the calligraphers of medieval period handscrolls. Of the five projects he is known to have worked on, including the Bukkôji version, both the Boki-e and the Kôbô Daishi Gyôjô-e were painted by the head of the imperial court’s painting studio. The painting skills and technical standard of such a studio head would have been commensurate with the high ranking aristocratic calligrapher, Sanjô Kintada, chosen for the accompanying texts. Thus, it can be assumed that the painter and painting studio who brushed the Bukkôji version would have been a painter whose rank, skills and technical abilities were commensurate with the high ranking aristocrat Sanjô Kintada who wrote that version’s texts. The depiction in the Bukkôji version has previously been noted as “vulgar or coarse.” However, what has been overlooked about this painting style is the scene of Shinran’s cremation, where the dense foliage of the trees and the snow-dusted distant mountain views can be seen as sourced from the scenery depiction of the lightly snow-dusted Mt. Mikasa in the Kasuga Gongen-Genki-e of 1309. Similarly, the intricate ink-line depiction of the waves on the surface of Lake Ashino in Hakone seems to be sourced in the same 1309 work. The figural depiction, such as the facial expressions of the manifestation of the Kumano deity, seen with Shinran in the Kumano Shrine building, along with their garments have been extremely intricately colored in fully elegant form. The painter of these elements, and his affiliated painting studio, clearly must be seen as having had considerable talent and technical ability. What must not be overlooked as well is the fact that somewhat earlier than the 1360 date of the Bukkôji version, the Bukkôji sect regularly commissioned paintings from the painting studio affiliated with the Gion Shrine. The chief painter of the imperial court’s painting studio would have been chosen from the Gion Shrine-affiliated painting studio, and in addition to the creation of the Boki-e for which Sanjô Kintada wrote the texts, that studio would have also created a set of handscrolls, the Suwa Daimyôjin-ekotoba (scattered and now lost), whose text written by high ranking nobles in 1356. The Gion Shrine-affiliated painting studio can thus be considered to be a painting studio of sufficient rank and talent to match the calligraphy commissioned from Sanjô Kintada. Thus, confirming the 14th century date of the Bukkôji version will have an important influence upon the study of the medieval handscrolls. This new dating is related to the understanding of handscroll painting style in the latter half of the 14th century. The basis for the previous ca. 15th century attribution of the Bukkôji version can be found in its so called “clear and strongly vulgar or coarse painting style,” but in fact it must be noted that this painting style itself was one of the trends of the latter half of the 14th century. The awareness of this trend suggests the necessity for a re-evaluation of the dating of the handscrolls attributed to the 15th century on the basis of this style. The confirmation of the 14th century date for the Bukkôji version is particularly meaningful for this stylistic matter.

著者

平野 真完

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.218, pp.27-44, 1962-03-30

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A. von Le Coq's Chotscho, Berlin, 1913, contains 13 wall paintings of the so-called Praṇidhi Scenes (Tafel 17-29) from the cave temple No. 9, Bäzäklik (numbered by A, Grünwedel), near Turfan. Praạidhi Scenes are almost peculiar to Bäzäklik (Temples Nos. 2, 4, 9, 20, 25) and Idikutschari (Ruins α,β ). On the Praṇidhi Scenes of the cave temple No. 9 are scribed Sanskrit verses written in the “slanting type of Gupta Script” which is peculiar to the northern route of the East Turkestan. These verses are a clue to the interpretation of the Praạidhi Scene. Le Coq deciphered them first. H. Lüders pointed the similar verses in the Mahāvastu and the series of past Buddhas are akin to those of the Divyāvadāna. He supposed that the theme of Praṇidhi Scene based on the tradition of the Sarvāstivādins (Sitz. d. K. Preuss. Ak. d. Wiss. 1913. S. 864-884). E. Huber pointed the Sanskrit verses are parallel to those of the Chinese and Tibetan translations of the Bhaiṣajyavastu of the Vinaya of the Mūlasarvāstivādins (BEFEO. XIV, 1914). In Japan the studies of the Praṇidhi Scenes by Dr. Eiichi Matsumoto (Ton-koga-no ken-kyu 1937) and Mr. Nobuo Kumagai (The Bijutsu, Kenkyu Nos. 122, 126, 138, 156, 170, 178) are available. Refering to these achievements and the reports of Le Coq, A. Grünwedel and A. Stein, I want to fulfil in this paper (1) to transliterate (romanize) and put into Ja- panese the Sanskrit verses with reference to Chinese and Tibetan parallel verses, (2) to refer to the wall paintings and bas-reliefs of the same scenes,(3) to seek texts which the Praṇidhi Scenes based on, (4) to seek the sources of the Past Buddhas in the Praṇidhi Scene, (5) to think the theme of the Praṇidhi Scene. No. 4 (Le Coq: Chotscho, Tafel 20). The Buddha Kṣemaṃkara was honoured by a king (who was a Gotama Buddha in his former birth). Such stories are found in the Avadānaśataka 19 and its Chinese translation Siuan-tsipo-yuan-king (T 4, p. 214 b-c). No. 7. The Buddha Dipaṃkara was honoured by a young brāhmaṇa who bent himself under the feet of the Buddha to cover the muddy road with his long hair. According to the Buddhist traditions the young brāhmaṇa (Gotama Buddha in his former birth) had vowed to become buddha, and Dipaṃkara foretold that he would attain buddhahood in future. This theme is very famous, often inscribed or painted in Gandhāra and Central Asia. This story is found in Sseu-fen-liu (T 22, pp. 782 f.), Sieou-hing-penk’i-king (T 3, pp. 461 b f.), Kauo-k’iu-hien-tsaiyin-kouo-king (T 3, pp. 620 c f.), T’ai-tseu-joueiying-fen-k’i-king (T3, pp.472cf.), Lieou-tou-tsi-king(T 3, pp. 47 c f.), Fo-pen-hing-king (T 4, pp. 92 f.), Tseng-yi-a-han-king (Ekottarāgama) (T 2, pp. 579 b, 757 C, 768 c), Fo-pen-hing-tsi-king (T 3, pp. 665 b f.), Mahāvastu 1, pp. 1, 231-248, Divyāvdāna pp, 246-253, Buddhavamsa pp. 6-18, Jātaka (Nidānakathā) 1, pp. 2 ff., Ta-tsche-tou-louen (T 25, pp. 87 a, 180 b, 276 C, 316 b, 579 C, 631 a), Kao-seng-fa-hien-tch'ouam (T 51, p. 858 C), Ta-toang-siyu-ki (T. 51, p. 878c). No. 10. According to the inscription the young brāhmana Uttara, obeying his friend Nandipāla, left his home to follow the Buddha Kāśyapa. This story is found in Majjhima Nikāya II, pp. 45 ff., Saṃyutta Nikāya 1, pp. 35-36, 60, Jātaka (Nidānakathā) 1, p. 43, Mahāvastu 1, pp. 319–338, Tchong-a-han-king (Madhyamāgama) (T 1, pp. 499 a f.), Tsa-a-han-king (Saṃyuktāgama) (T 2, p. 159 b-c), Pia-yi-tsa-a-han-king (T 2, p. 422b-c), Ken-pen-chouo-yi-ts’ie-yeou-pou-p’i-nai-yeyao-che (T 24, p. 96 b), N. Dutt : Gilgit Manuscripts, vol. III. pt. 1, p. 217, Hing-k’i-hing-king (T 4, pp. 172c f.), Fo-wou-po-ti-tseu-tseu-chouo-pen-k’iking (T 4, p. 202a), Ta-tsche-tou-louen (T 25, pp. 261c, 340 c), Ken-pen-chouo-yi-ts'ie-yeou-pou-pi-naiye-ich'ou-kia-che (T 23, pp. 1029c f.). And Nos. 1,2,3,5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15 have parallel verses to the Chinese and Tibetan translations of the Bhaiṣajyavastu of the Vinaya of the Mūlasarvāstivādins (Ken-pen-chouo-yi-ts'ieyeou-pou-p'i-nai-ye-yao-che vol. 15, T 24, pp. 73C75c, Ḥdul-ba-gshi (Sman-gyi gshi) (The Tibetan Tripitaka 41, pp. 222 b5–223c4) The inscriptions on the Praṇidhi Scene have the word “tṛtiyāsaṃkheya” =tṛtīyāsaṃkhyeya (-kalpa) (third immeasurable period) (No. 10). And according to these inscriptions Ratnaśikhin is the last Buddha in the first asaṃkhyeya-kalpa (No. 9), Dīpaṃkara in the second asaṃkhyeyakalpa (No. 7), and Kāśyapa is the last in the third asaṃkhyeya-kalpa (No. 10). Only the third is the same as the Vinaya-bhaiṣajyavastu (in verses) of the Mūlasarvāstivādins, while the first and the second are the same that A-p’i-ta-mo-tap’i-p'o-cha-louen vol. 178 (T 27, p. 892c) A-p’i-taomo-kiu-chö-luen (Abhidharmakoṣa) vol. 18 (T 29, p. 95 a) A-p’i-ta-mo chouen-tchang-li-louen (T 29, p. 591a) (which are the Abhidharmas of the Sarvāstivādins), and Ta-tche-tou-louen (T25, p. 87 a). And after all the last Buddhas in three asamkhyeya-kalpas are the same that Yeou-po-sökiai-king (T 24, p. 1039 a) reports. The Vinaya of the Mūlasarvāstivādins contains many of the Avadāna-stories, and these stories emphasize the karma-theory, that is, good deeds bring auspicious results, and bad deeds bring unfortunate results. Even Gotama Bubbha is under the law of karma, he achieved good deeds in his former births. Before the former Buddha he had vowed to become buddha and was foretold by the Buddha that he would attain buddhahood in future. The verses of the Praṇidhi Scenes have no word of “praṇidhāna” (vow to become buddha) and vyākarana (prediction of attaining buddhahood). But E. Senart's decipher of the inscriptions on the murals which Donner and Klementz brought from Singimaus reads that Gotama Buddha in his former birth worshipped the Buddha Kanakamuni, and gained vyākarana (prediction) from the Buddha (JA. XV. 1900, pp. 353 f.). This is, I think, to be refered to in the interpretation of the Pranidhi Scene. While the Praņidhi Scenes in their appearance demonstrate the worshipping and waiting on the Buddha, they suggest, as is seen in No. 7, the thought of praṇidhāna and vyākarana.

著者

真保 亨

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.325, pp.10-24, 1983-09-30

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The Handscroll Painting of Thirty-six Celebrated Poets of the Narikane version is partly preserved in the form of fragments. Only through a copy is known the original overall composition of the handscroll before it was segmented. What is depicted in the copy are the celebrated thirty-six poets selected by FUJIWARA no Kintō, being lined up in a row; eignteen of them are seated on the left facing right, the other eighteen are on the right facing left. The handscroll painting, however, does not strike the viewers as a coherent entity due to the irregularity of the sizes of figures, and imparts a sense of unnaturalness. The author ascribes these shortcomings to the fact that the figures in this version are based on an earlier handscroll, that is, Poets from various Periods accompanied by their respective poems (Jidai-Fudō Uta-Awase E) dated approximately to the second year of the Katei Era (1236). The original of this Poets from Various Periods having been lost, the author used, among other copies, a complete sketch copy made by Tan'yū KANŌ now owned by Kyoto National Museum for the comparison of the portraitures. As a result, eleven of the thirty-six poets in the Narikane version are found to be faithful copies, while ten are reversed copies, of the corresponding poets in this Poets from Various Periods. The remaining fifteen poets are reversed reproductions or modified reproductions of others of the hundred poets in the same Poets of Various Periods. Thus, all of the portraits have been recognized by the author as copies of certain preexistent portrayals. What is unique about the selection of the poems is that they were not solely from a certain anthology like Sanjūrokunin Sen (Anthology of Thirtysix Poets), but from a wider range of literary works. With regard to the paintings, the style certainly pertains to the tradition of nise-e portraiture, transmitted by Nobuzane, Tametsugu, Korenobu, and onto Tamenobu. Therefore the handscroll painting in question is a valuable piece which testifies to the relationship between the nise-e tradition and the paintings of the celebrated poets. Comparisons with other nise-e paintings leads the author to presume that the Narikane version was executed around the Bun'ei Era (1264-75) and Kenji Era (1275–78) of the Kamakura Period, when Korenobu is considered to have been active.

著者

谷 晃

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.362, pp.33-59, 1995-03-30

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Chakaiki, diaries that record tea ceremony gatherings, are useful materials not only for the study of the ceremony (chanoyu), but also for cultural history, the history of ceramics, and the history of food. The abundant records in the tea ceremony diaries of which paintings were selected for display in tea gatherings make these records invaluable documents for the study of the history of painting also. Two major factors have made tea ceremony diaries difficult to research : (1) the fact that there are few which have been published, and (2) the fact that the location of many of these diaries is unknown. For the present study, however, I have collected as many extant tea ceremony diaries as possible, and for the benefit of research in the history of painting, have produced a chart listing cases in which paintings are mentioned in the diaries. From the roughly 120 tea ceremony diaries that I have collected, in addition to the records of tea gatherings gleaned from other personal diaries, I have entered the over 14,000 separate tea ceremonies into a computer database. Among these I have isolated the 6,500 gatherings that mention hanging scrolls (kakemono) of painting and calligraphy, excluding calligraphy and paintings that appear repeatedly leaving a total of 1200. The oldest tea ceremony diary is the Matsuya Hisamasa Chakaiki, which starts with a gathering at the Nara Shishō-bō on the twentieth day of the third month of Tembun 2 (1533). From 1533 on into the seventeenth century, the diary records many kara-e (Chinese paintings) hung in the tokonoma ornamental alcove. In due course, calligraphy by Japanese Zen monks and Japanese paintings replace Chinese paintings in number, with calligraphy by tea adepts eventually eclipsing others'. As a result, there appears to be a tendency to decline over time in the percentage of paintings hung in tokonoma. There are also many instances in the tea diaries of practitioners recording their impressions of paintings on view and even sketching them, providing explanations. Such records as these are extremely valuable for the study of extant paintings. There are two points to which the researcher should remain alert when using tea ceremony diaries as historical documents. First, not all tea ceremony diaries are reliable historical documents, as there are many diaries riddled with mistakes over generations of copying, and although there are few examples, there seem to be some cases in which the original document was altered with some particular intention in mind. Second, we can gather from other documents that already at the time of the tea diaries' writing, there were many spurious works of art circulating among tea aficionados. It is thus important to remember that not all of the paintings listed in the diaries were necessarily authentic works of art. If these basic guidelines are followed, the present study should prove useful to research in the history of painting.

著者

三輪 英夫

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.321, pp.25-32, 1982-09-30

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Shinkurō KUNISAWA (1847–77) was the first Japanese artist who studied western painting in Europe. He visited England in 1870 as a student dispatched by the Kōchi Han for the purpose of learning law but shifted to painting around 1872 and studied under John-Edgar WILLIAMS. He came back to Japan in 1874 and opened a painting school called Shōgidō in Tokyo. Ninety-one students studied there in his lifetime. His activity is well represented by the novel content of the instruction at the Shōgidō. All the teaching materials and reference books used there were those KUNISAWA brought back from England. And he followed the European academism in his pedagogy. In that sense, Shōgidō was the earliest art school in Japan. Thus his study in Europe is an important factor in his career, a characteristic difference from other earlier painters like Yuichi TAKAHASHI who studied the western method of painting in Japan. Remaining works by him are few. “Western Woman” and three other works, all executed while in Europe, are the only works known today. Two of them seem to have been painted based on photographs after the people portrayed were dead. As far as these pieces indicate, his style was of moderate realism.

著者

綿田 稔

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.407, pp.34-50, 2012-09-14

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4. Interactions with Hishida Shunsô As indicated in the earlier section of this study, published in Bijutsu Kenkyû 404, Akimoto Shatei, a brewer in Nagareyama, Chiba prefecture, was a patron of Hishida Shunsô during the artist’s later years. Shunsô’s major works, Fallen Leaves (1909, Eisei-Bunko Museum) and Black Cat (1910, Eisei-Bunko Museum) were both in Shatei’s personal collection. Toya Banzan, a pupil of Terasaki Kôgyô and secretary of the Bijutsu Kenseikai group supported by Shatei, is thought to have been the person who introduced Shatei to Shunsô. Banzan’s memoirs state that he took Shatei to Izura in the spring of 1908 and there introduced him to Shunsô and Yokoyama Taikan. Letters handed down to Shatei’s descendants confirm that Shatei visited Izura during that period. However, it was also around that time that Shunsô was suffering from eye disease and was forced to temporarily stop painting. According to Banzan’s memoirs, Shatei had visited Shunsô intending to commission a painting, but when he learned that Shunsô was ill he instead arranged to pay for his living expenses for a year. Shunsô’s Landscape in Autumn (Aichi Prefectural Museum of Art), formerly in Shatei’s collection, is probably a painting that Shunsô created for Shatei around the autumn of 1908, once his eyes had healed. The following autumn of 1909, Shunsô entered his work Fallen Leaves in the 3rd Bunten Exhibition (Art Exhibition of the Ministry of Education) after which it entered Shatei’s collection. According to Banzan’s memoirs of Banzan and the collector Hosokawa Moritatsu, it seems that Shatei had already made up his mind to acquire the painting by the time of the invitation-only, first viewing day of the exhibition. Shunsô’s Landscape of the Four Seasons (National Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo), painted around the same time, also found its way into Shatei’s collection. The painting’s exhibition history cannot be confirmed and there is still some need for investigation regarding the production period of this handscroll, but if the Landscape of the Four Seasons, which was of a large scale suited to exhibition entry, was created solely for Shatei’s personal enjoyment, then it would speak of the strong and deep connection between Shunsô and Shatei. Black Cat, which was Shunsô’s last entry in a Bunten exhibition, was also a work that Shatei had decided to acquire even prior to its exhibition. The interactions between Shunsô and Shatei were not simply a case of paintings being produced and procured. Around the autumn of 1910, when Shatei acquired Black Cat, Shunsô created a painting primer for Shatei’s daughter Matsuko. Shunsô expressed his understanding of painting methods in a letter he wrote to Shatei about Matsuko’s study from the primer. That letter simply spells out a list of guiding principles for her study of brush stroke methods and painting study, and even though it is intended for a beginning student, the letter does provide a rare expression of beginning painting study methods espoused by Shunsô, who did not himself take any pupils throughout his lifetime. However, it was around this time that Shunsô fell ill again, and died the following year, on September 16, 1911. Talk of a Shunsô memorial exhibition arose immediately after his death, and Shatei’s name was linked to those of Okakura Tenshin, Yokoyama Taikan and others as one of the originators of the idea. Shatei provided financial support for the exhibition when it was held in the following spring of 1912. Shunsô’s ashes were divided between his hometown of Iida and Tokyo, and it was Shatei who paid for Shunsô’s gravestone in Tokyo.

著者

関 千代

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.195, pp.15-45, 1958-03-12

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Japanese painting has a unique field of subject matters not found in arts of other countries : bijin-ga ("beautiful-women-picture"), depiction of idealized types of feminine beauty which is not necessarily portrayal of real women. Bijin-ga in and after the "early modern" periods (mid-sixteenth to mid-ninteenth centuries) can be roughly classified into two groups; one along the line of Ukiyo-e which had developed chiefly in Edo, and the other of the Bijin-ga within the realm of traditional Japanese painting which had achieved progress through the centuries in Kyoto and its vicinity. The former, which influenced upon Impressionistic artists of the west, evolved distinctive unconventional styles. Utamaro, Harunobu and others are representative of this group. The latter, enhanced by artists of the Maruyama and Shijō Schools during the early modern periods, is characterized by noble grace derived from the elegant style of traditional art. The art of UEMURA Shōen (1875-1949) sprang out of the latter. She created her original type of bijin-ga in contemporary Japanese painting, and won high fame in the art world of the Meji (1868-1911), Taishō (1912-1925) and Shōwa (1926-) eras. Since little girlhood she liked painting. After graduating from a primary school she entered the Kyoto Prefectural School of Painting, which had only a very few girl students, but soon left it and became a pupil of SUZUKI Shōnen. Later on, she studied under KŌNO Bairei, an artist of the Maruyama-Shijo School, and subsequently after his death under TAKEUCHI Seihō, a pupil of Bairei. Her style, starting with the traditional Suzuki, Maruyama and Shijo Schools, was an accumulation of all styles of Japanese painting. Her works manifest the influence also at work of Ukiyo-e and illustrations in picture-books and story-books which were in vogue during the Edo Period. Her interest in the No play was also instrumental in establishing her distinctive art. The present writer divides the period of Shōen's activity into three epochs. The first covers from the time she entered the School of Painting to the beginning of the Governmental art exhibition known as Bun-ten (meaning Education Ministry Exhibition of Arts). This was a sort of a period of training for the artist, during which she at first worked in the rigid brushwork learned from the triditional art and later began to assimilate modern realistic representation. The second epoch, extending over the Taisho era, was the period in which her art achieved maturity in certain respects. Her paintings in this period, such as "Miyuki" and "Mai-jitaku", are notably rich in sweet delicacy. The third epoch was the period of perfection. "Sōshi-arai Komachi", "Yūgure" and other works in this period, especially those after 1935, reveal free, strong drawing and refined colouring: these characteristics as well as her symbolically simplified portrayal have succeeded in establishing a modern type of bijin-ga with an effect of nobleness and profoundness. Shōen was active throughout her life as an artist working for the Governmental exhibitions. In 1941, she was nominated a member of the Imperial Academy of Arts (Teikoku Geijutsu-in); in 1944, a Court Artist; and in 1948, the year before her death, she was awarded with the Cultural Decoration, the highest of honours for Japanese artists. Two exhibitions of her paintings were held after her death, with an illustrated catalogue published each time.

著者

鶴田 武良

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.349, pp.18-43, 1991-03-22

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The biggest obstacle to the study of Chinese paintings of the past one hundred years is perhaps the fact that research materials such as books and journals are all scattered around. During SinoJapanese War which began in July 1937 and the following Liberation War, major art schools in China were forced to move out of the cities or to be closed or merge. A great deal of research materials were probably abandoned and lost during this period, while those which survived were largely destroyed during the turbulent years of the socalled Cultural Revolution that lasted for ten years. The least extant materials are exhibition catalogues and membership lists of art associations which were made for temporary use, and graduation albums which lost their value after the owners' deaths. Through his research on Chinese painters of the past one hundred years and search for pertinent documents conducted over ten years, the present author was able to obtain materials that can shed light on the development of modern Chinese art, including art exhibitions, art education, activities of art associations, and learning of Western painting. Access to some of the materials was extremely limited. Some were discovered by pure luck. In his paper which is to be presented in several parts, the author discusses some issues concerning art of modern China (1840-1918) and contemporary China (1919-), using the newly discovered research materials. Details about art schools' abolishment and merging, art exhibitions and art associations are included in “The Chronology of Chinese Art of the Past One Hundred Years” which will be published separately. The present article deals with the following seven nationwide art exhibitions held during the Republic period and introduces their respective backgrounds, organizations, numbers and types of exhibits, and trends. 1. National Exhibition of Children's Art-April of the 3rd year of the Republic, Peking. 2. The First National Educational ExhibitionJuly of the 13th year of the Republic, Nanking. 3. The First National Art Exhibition by Department of Education—April of the 18th year of the Republic, Shanghai. 4. National Exhibition of Children's Paintings—June of the 25th year of the Republic, Shanghai. 5. The Second National Art Exhibition by Department of Education April of the 26th year of the Republic, Nanking. 6. The Third National Art Exhibition by Department of Education December of the 31st year of the Republic, Chungch'ing. 7. The Fourth National Art Exhibition by Department of Education-planned to be held in November of the 37th year of the Republic at Nanking, but canceled.

著者

熊谷 宣夫

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.191, pp.1-27, 1957-03-30

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The Shin Saiiki-ki, record of the Central Asian expeditions by the Ōtani Mission, states that the Reverend Watanabe Tesshin, during the first expedition, discovered on July 9th, 1906 a wooden cinerary casket covered with gold leaf (Fig. 1) at the ruins of a temple on the west side of the River Subasi in Kucha, East Turkistan. The record, however, does not give any description about the casket which has remarkable paintings in colours. Paul Pelliot excavated several specimens of similar caskets of wood at the same spot. In Kizil west of Kucha, Le Coq found another with colour paintings (Fig. 2). The casket under discussion, brought back by the Ōtani Misson, is likely also from Kucha, or somewhere around. Compared with the above-mentioned specimens, the subject piece (Pl. I & Fig. 4) is the most elaborate work, and the motifs of its paintings are rich in variety. Fig 3 show its scaled sketch. Like other specimens, it has a conical cover and a cylindrical container, but this is the only example with the surface covered with hemp cloth. The hemp base is coated with the priming of gofun (white pigment of calcium carbonate obtained by heating), over which contours are drawn in black ink and colours are put within them. The entire surface is subsequently coated with a transparent oil. It is to be noted that this is only example finished in this elaborate technique known in Japan as mitsuda-e ("litharge painting"). This casket, however, have heretofore been left unnoticed, for the paintings are concealed under stripes of blue, vermillion and grey pigments painted over them, the borders being covered with square pieces of gold leaf. The cover has four medallions enclosed in pearl-lace patterns. One of them, herein called a, contains the figure of a winged cherub with a yellow body, blowing a vertical flute. The second one, b, is a green cherub playing the biwa (lyre with pear-shaped body), with four pairs of scarves fluttering on his sides instead of wings; c shows a cherub like a, playirg a kugo (harp); and d is a cherub like b, with a musical interument which appears to be a genkin (lyre with round body) (Cf. Pl. II). Between a and b, and c and d, are each a couple of a parrot and a yamadori (a type of pheasant), with thier necks bent backward and holding either end of a jewelled ribbon in their beaks. Between b and c, and d and a, are the same paired birds, with their necks in ordinary poses and respectively holding something like sprays of trees in their beaks (Fig. 5). Such designs of cherubim are found also on one of the caskets brought back by Pelliot, and on the bronze bowl from West India (Fig. 9) published by A. Coomaraswamy. The cherubim on this casket have shaven heads, with some hair left on the foreheads, temples and vertexs. Examples of this characteristic head ornament antedating this piece are found in the murals at Site 3, Miran; after the present piece, there are examples in painting at Turfan and around (Fig. 6). Angelic figures with scarves instead of wings have earlier example in applied ornaments on terra-cotta objects from Khotan (Fig. 7), etc.; later ones are relatively numerous, for example, those in Turfan painting. The pearl-lace patterns on this casket so characteristic of Sassanian art, in comparsion with those on the broacde from Astana (Fig. 8a) whith boar's-head design, the mural on similar subject in the cave temple at Toyuq (Fig. 8b), the mural of ducks in the cave temple at Kizil, etc., are characterized by the existence of the four square buttons which suggest a later period. In this respect they are closer in age to the brocade with similar patterns from Astana. The sides of the container are ornamented with twenty-one figures of dancers and musicians, from the two banner-bearers, A and P, through C, D, etc. to U counted anti-clockwise (Cf. Pls. III & IV). C to I and S are dancers performing the Gigaku dance, wearing masks and distinctive costumes. Such surface decorations with sences of dance and music, as found also on terra-cotta pieces from Khotan (Fig. 10), must have been derived from those of Bacchants, and obviously contain Hellenistic elements. The examples on the subject casket, however, are vivid descriptions of the manners of Kuchú in those times. For instance, the form of the banner-poles, with their heads shaped like the handles of walking sticks, is in common with those in the wall-painting at the Murtuk cave temple arves (Fig. 11); the masks also have their kin in a fragment brought back by the Ōtani Mission (Fig. 14). The kugo (harp), too, is not bow-shaped like those frequently found in wall-paintings at Kucha and rather rarely seen in Kizil (Fig. 12), but is of the type similar to the one seen in murals at Kara-Khoja (Fig. 13), which was later introduced to Japan through T'ang China. From the above-mentioned viewpoints, we are led to think that the design on this casket reveals influence from Inida or Sassanian Persia, which, however, are flavoured with Eastern elements. The same can be said of the techniques of painting. The contouring black lires of the yellow-bodied cherubim, for example, are flanked by paralleling vermilion lines, the two thus forming double contours. This means that the kumadori ("shading", band of gradating colour running along contours) has here become a line. Because the same technique is emyloped in the wall-painting at Kara-Khoja (Fig. 16), the wall-painting from Turfan brought by the Ōtani Mission (Fig. 17), etc., the style of this painting should be dated in the later part of the Kucha period, namely the seventh century. It is interesting to note that this painting holds proof to the statement of Hsian Chuang, the T'ang priest who visited Kucha at the time : "The music and dance of Kucha are better than those of any other country I have visited." Excepting the wall-paintings, nearly no extant specimen of painting in Kucha is known to date. The author is happy with the opportunity of introducing this rare casket as well as a painting on hemp brought back by the Ōtani Mission (Fig. 15).

著者

小野 真由美 恵美 千鶴子

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.425, pp.21-23, 2018-07-02

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The Dô no onkura okakemono outasho kiwame daitsukeno chô(銅御蔵御掛物御歌書極代付之帳)is one of the rare documents in the Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties collection, and is part of the Nakagawa Bunko library of Nakagawa Tadayori (1873-1928) that this institute purchased in 1929, the year before its opening. The overleaf of the inner cover and the back cover bear the bookplates of Suzaka daimyô Hori Naotada (1806- 1880), indicating that it was formerly part of Naotada's Hananoya Bunko library. Naotada is renowned for his Fusô meiga den(扶桑名画伝)biographies of Japanese painters. The Dô no onkura okakemono outasho kiwame daitsukeno chô is a copy of the original record of kiwame (connoisseurship statements) and daitsuke (appraised values) made in 1691 (Genroku 4) of the Tokugawa shogunal collection, known as the Ryûei Gomotsu, by Kanô Masunobu (Tôun, 1625-1694), Kanô Tsunenobu (Yôboku, 1636-1713), Kohitsu Ryômin (1645-1701), Kohitsu Ryôchû (1656-1736) and others. The Dô no onkura okakemono outasho kiwame daitsukeno chô thus shows that the shogunate had its officially appointed Kohitsu and Kanô family members evaluate and price the calligraphy and paintings in its collection as of 1691. The earliest Ryûei gomotsushû volumes are said to have been compiled in 1644 (Kan'ei 21) by Matsudaira Nobutsuna (1596-1662), who was then the shogunate's osukiya shihai, officer in charge of the management of shogunal collection. Later the Ryûei Gomotsu items held by the shogunate were caught in the Great Fire of Meireki in 1657 with the majority destroyed. The collection was then rebuilt through gifts presented by various daimyô to the shogunate. This Dô no onkura okakemono outasho kiwame daitsukeno chô confirms that the collection had been fully rebuilt in terms of both quality and quantity by 1691. While there are some additional notations inherent to a copy of an original document, this Dô no onkura okakemono outasho kiwame daitsukeno chô is a rare extant document that faithfully conveys the original's connoisseurship content. We thus present in this article both a reprint of the entire document and a discussion of some of its most noteworthy appraisal cases.

著者

田村 悦子

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.273, pp.1-25, 1971-03-30

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The Ise Monogatari, or "Tales of Ise," a collection of more than one hundred short tales, mostly tales of love, each containing one or more Japanese short poems (tanka) as its core, written not later than the tenth century, has long been one of the best read classics in Japan. The Ise Monogatari was enjoyed not only in a simple book form, but also in a picture scroll form or in the form of the illustrated Ise Monogatari. One of the oldest extant specimen of the illustrated Ise is that formerly in the collection of Mr. Hara, Yokohama, supposed to have been made in the latter Kamakura Period or in the fourteenth century. To our deep regret Mr. Hara's scroll is not in its integrity but is a mere gathering of ten fragments, among which eight are of picture and two are of text. Therefore it is not necessarily self-evident which tales of the Ise these fragments of picture illustrate. Carefully examining the composition, human figures, scenes, etc. of the picture fragments, Miss Tamura points out, by interesting reasoning, the tales of Ise they illustrate, sometimes in contradiction to the older interpretations by such art historians as Mr. TANAKA Issho, Miss SHIRAHATA Yoshi, MUGAISHI, etc., and, even when Miss Tamura's interpretation agrees with the older interpretation, greatly reinforcing the latter. Miss Tamura's interpretations are as follows:-Fragment1: Text 2: Picture** 3: Picture*** 4: Text 5: Picture**** 6 & 7. Picture***** 8: Picture****** 9: Picture******* 10: Picture********Ise Tale I*XXIII, middle part IV XXVII XLI or XXIII, latter part IX LXIXVXIVOlder interpretations I I or XXXIII, middle part IV XXVII XXVII or XXIII, first part VIII or IX XXVIIVXXIII, middle part or XIV In addition, Miss Tamura supposes that the ornamental drawings on the sheets of paper for the text are also based on the Ise Monogatari itself. The artistic value of Mr. Hara's Picture Scroll of the Ise Monogatari may be said to have been multiplied by this essay. *The tale numbers are according to the Tempuku text of the Ise. **A man, concealing himself behind the shrubbery in the garden, anxiously watches his wife in the house whom he suspects of infidelity because she gladly sends him going out to visit his secret mistress's house. Assured of her chastity, however, he renews his love towards her. ***A court noble laying himself on the dilapidated veranda of the mansion from which his love disappeared just one year ago, sees melancholily the moon and the plum-blossoms in full bloom and weeps for her. ****The kitchen door of a country-house with a household vegetable garden outside. Inside the door mortar and wooden pestles are seen. By the side of the garden cloth is fulled on tenterhooks in the sun. Careful picture, a basketworm hanging down from a twig and a snail creeping on a vegetable leaf. (In the kitchen at the right, Miss Tamura supposes, the secret mistress referred to in the note ** is ladling boiled rice herself to the disappointment of her lover.) *****Court nobles on horseback with a retinue travelling together at the foot of a high mountain crowned with eternal snow, evidently Mt. Fuji. ******A gentle lady and two waiting maids sitting in a triangle behind curtains in a noble mansion. (The lady, Miss Tamura supposes, is the virgin princess priestess of the Grand Shrines at Ise, who is meditating on her last night's adventure with the Imperial messenger.) *******A court noble attempts to steal into the grounds of his beloved one's mansion through a gap in the earth-wall, only to find the gap strongly guarded by two armed servants placed by her aunt. ********A court noble shared the bed with a country woman, but left her house too soon. composed a poem to the following effect:- I will steep the cock in the tub full of water, For he crowed too early, Making my lover take his leave before dawn.

著者

長岡 龍作

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.351, pp.1-15, 1992-01-31

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A previous study of the expression of movement in the early Heian-period sculpture by Tadashi INOUE, "Various Aspects of Danzō (Plain Wood Buddhist Images) IV: A Standing Statue of Elevenheaded Kannon and the Painting Style of Wu Daoxuan" (Gakusō No. 9, March 1987) argues that "Wu Tao-hsüan yang" (Wu Tao-hsüan style) influenced the expression of movement and that the statue of Ekādaśamukha at Hokke-ji dates from the high T'ang period. Reconsidering its significance and problems, the present article attempts to refute Inoue's argument. Li-tai ming-hua chi by Chang Yen-yüan of the late T'ang period talks about Ts'ao Chung-ta, Chang Sêng-yao, Wu Tao-hsüan, and Chou Fang in relation to the production of Buddhist paintings, and describes them as model artists for painters and sculptors alike. Among them, this book mentions Ts'ao, Chang, and Wu with a suffix "yang 様," such as Ts'ao's yang, Chang's yang, and Wu's yang, while crediting Chou to be the originator of the "t'i 體" of Water Moon Avalokiteśvara. It can be considered that the character "yang" referred to a concrete "form" or "formal pattern" of the intended subject matter, and that "t'i" was to signify the "figure" of Buddhist deities. Therefore "t'i" can be interpreted as including the meaning of "formal pattern" of the Buddhist deity commonly used in painting and sculpture. "Chang's yang" may be characterized as the vigorous modelling of movement, such as fluttering drapery, as described in the T'ang-dynasty comments on Wu Tao-tzu's painting. It seems to have been the "pattern" mainly employed for lowranking deities with which was relatively easy to suggest movement. In the T'ang-dynasty wall paintings at Tunhuang, those of the early and high T'ang made distinctions between bodhisattvas and lower-ranking deities in the depiction of their scraves. From the mid-T'ang period, however, the emphasis is seen in the movement in the fluttering scarves of both ranks of deities. This shift can be understood as a change in the depiction of scarves, based on the newly developed "formal pattern" of the "Wu's yang." Therefore it is assumed to have occured during the transitional stage between high T'ang and midT'ang. Each of these "patterns" may have had distinct significance in the making and appreciation of Buddhist sculpture as a clearly recognized canon in late T'ang, while functioning as categorization of Buddhist images with different imageries. The statue of Ekādaśamukha at Hokke-ji and the statue of Avalokitesvara at Daigo-ji, which represent the early Heian-period, had a two-dimensional, pictorial "pattern" as their model, which was skillfully translated into a three-dimensional modelling of sculpture. These examples show that the making of Buddhist sculpture employed pictorial "patterns" as models and conquered the concomitant difficulties in the process of its development. As for the movement in the drapery, a certain relationship with the contemporaneous "Wu's yang" of China may be assumed. This is a quick reflection of the canon in late T'ang. Early Japanese use of "patterns," found in the bodhisattvas playing music as well as other deities in painting and relief at Tódai-ji, suggests that the practice emerged in the making of painting and relief in the latter half of the Tenpyō period. The above argument leads to the following assumptions. First, Chinese influence on Japanese sculpture of the time was strongly pictorial in nature. Second, the Japanese interest in the "formal pattern" was crucial in the acceptance of the Chinese influence. Inoue's argument that the Hokke-ji statue dates from the high T'ang period can be negated on the basis of the following characteristics of the statue. It had a pictorial "pattern" as its model, which was commonly used for paintings of the same deity in Japan. It is imagined that the introduction of "formal patterns" to Japanese Buddhist sculpture was made possible as the Japanese sculptors were interested in proper use of different "patterns" and their foreign nature.

著者

マシュー・P・マッケルウェイ 綿田 稔

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.404, pp.98-105, 2011-08-30

著者

高田 修

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.253, pp.1-38, 1968-03-30

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1. Introduction. 2. Priest Kūkai's Rôle in Building the Lecture Hall and Setting up its Statues. 3. The Twenty-one Statues in the Lecture Hall and their Arrangement. a. Identification of the Statues, Especially of a Group of Five Bodhisattvas. b. The Original Arrangement. 4. A Unique Mandala-like Composition of Twenty-one Statues and the Mandala for the Benevolent King Sutra Ritual. a. An Outline of the Usual Mandala for the Benevolent King Sutra Ritual. b. A Group of Five Vidyārājas in the Lecture Hall and in the Mandala System. c. A Group of Five Bodhisattvas and their Relation to the Five Quarter Bodhisattvas in the same System. d. Iconography of the Guardian Image in the Lecture Hall: Brahmā and Indra, and Four Lokapālas. 5. The Original Vajrayānistic Meanings of the Images in the Lecture Hall. 1. The construction of the Lecture Hall of the Tōji (Kyōōgokuji) was started in 825 and was completed toward the end of 834 under the supervision of Priest Kūkai. In 1486 the original hall was destroyed by fire and the present one was rebuilt after that time. But it seems that the latter retains the original dimensions rather well. Housed in the building are five Buddhas, five Bodhisattvas, five Vidyārājas, Brahmā and Indra, and four Lokapālas. Except for the six images (five Buddhas and the central Bodhisatt. va), the rest of the existing statues are originals made in the ninth century for this hall. Although they contain repaired parts, they occupy a very important position in the history of Japanese art as the earliest works of sculpture of Esoteric Buddhism. These statues are orderly arranged and form a three-dimensional Karma-mandala. It has long been said to be a mandala particular to the Jênwang-ching (Benevolent King Sutra) ritual. But it does not necessarily correspond with its Kalpa (ritual practice manual), Jên-wang-ching-i-kuei (Taisho 994), the translation of which into Chinese is attributed to Amoghavajra, thus causing some present-day scholars to doubt this theory. The author of the present paper attempts to reexamine the arrangement of the statues in the hall and to determine the peculiarity of the plan of the mandala and its Esoteric Buddhist singnificance by refering to many historical documents and Buddhist literary materials. 2. While the Tōji was under construction it was given to Kūkai by the imperial court in 823. The construction of the Lecture Hall was his first task in the Tōji. But the plan of the architecture had already been settled by the court and it seems that he just followed it. What he could do to realize his own ideals based on the new religion which he had brought from T'ang China was in the plan of the design of the mandala consisting of the statues in the Lecture Hall. Therefore, though their completion took place in 829, four years after his death, the selection, form and arrangement of the statues could safely be said to have been the innovation of Kūkai himself. 3. The twenty-one statues in the hall have had traditional names since an early date. As for most of the images, the identification yields no room for question. But in the case of the five Bodhisattavas the identification is not yet settled. According to the author, they are the head Bodhisattvas of the five sections of Vajradhātu-mandala. Four of these five Bodhisattvas show forms identical with or very close to those of the Catur-mudrā-mandala (one of the nine subsidiary mandalas of the Vajradhātu). But the central one, Vajrapāramitā (Vajravajri), seems to be based on the Bodhisattva of the same name in the Kalpa of the Jên-wang-ching. The present arrangement of the twenty-one statues is what was formed after the fire in the fifteenth century and it cannot be regarded as the original one. As for the arrangement before the fire, there exist today three drawings of plans of the tenth, twelfth and fourteenth centuries respectively. It is to be noted that there are some differences even among these three drawings. These differences must have been due to the changed arrangements which took place when large-scale repair programs were carried out. The oldest one among the three drawings (dated 922), which was made by Shinjaku, differs clearly from the others in that the positions and combinations of the images are quite rational. For instance, it places the three corresponding deities, Aksobhya (Buddha), Vajrasattva (Bodhisattva) and Trailokyavijaya (Vidyārāja) in the direction of the southeast. This sort of rational arrangement must have been the original idea of the initial planner whose design was intended to form a unified mandala. Moreover, it is noteworthy that this drawing was made no later than about eighty years after the completion of these statues. It shows most probably their original arrangement. 4. The next question is what kind of mandala was intended to be composed here. Is the heretofore most prevailing theory that it was a Jênwang-ching mandala acceptable? Roughly speaking, there are two types of Jên-wang-ching mandala : one consisting of five Bodhisattvas based on the Jên-wang-ching sutra of the older translation, and the other in which the main images are the five Vidyārājas formed after the practice manual of the Jên-wang-ching of the later translation. Both of these were used in the ritual practice for such purposes as promoting peace and welfare in the state as well as for overcoming supposed enemies. But, the arrangement of deities in the Lecture Hall of the Tōji cannot be regarded as a usual Jên-wang-ching mandala as it includes five Buddhas which are referred to neither in the sutra nor the practice manual of it, and as the five Bodhisattvas here are the head Bodhisattvas of the Vajradhātu-mandala. Here we should pay attention to a set of five ink drawings attributable to the five-direction deities mentioned in Jên-wang-ching. They are supposed to have been brought back from China by Kūkai and are now preserved in the Daigoji and in the Tōji in the shape of faithful copies. They illustrate one by one the deities of the five directions—the four cardinal directions and the center-each treating two Bodhisattvas (the Vajrapāņi type and the usual type), one Vidyārāja, and one of the five guardian deities (Indra and four Lokapālas). For the most part, they correspond to the range of deities in the Lecture Hall of the Tōji and, in addition to that, the five Vidyārājas illustrated here have almost the same form as those in the Lecture Hall. We might safely assume that the kinds of deities in the Lecture Hall were determined in reference to this set of drawings. If this is true, the general idea shows that it was derived from the Jên-wang-ching mandala. The problem here, however, is that the five Bodhisattvas in the Lecture Hall take the appearence of the head Bodhisattvas of Vajradhātu-mandala as mentioned above and do not correspond with the five Bodhisattvas referred to in the practice manual of Jên-wang-ching sutra. But, the central one, Vajrapāramitā is apparently a Bodhisattva of this sutra and the others also embody some elements which can be connected with the Jên-wang-ching ritual. Moreover, according to the doctrine of Esoteric Buddhism, these five Bodhisattvas correspond to the five Bnddhas and the five Vadyārājas concerned. In other words, the primary images in the Lecture Hall, consisting of three groups of five deities, are nothing but the five substantial Buddhas and their two types of transfiguration, the Bodhisattvas as instructive being and the Vadyārājas as protectors. This indicates that the primary images in the Lecture Hall of the Tōji have dual characteristics based on the Vajradhātu ritual and the Jên-wang-ching ritual. As to the six guardian figures, five of them (Indra and four Lokapālas) follow what is mentioned in Jên-wang-ching. The other guardian figure, Brahmā, was probably added to make a symmetrical arrangement and to retain the traditional combination of Indra and Brahmā. Thus this mandala formed by the twenty-one orderly arranged statues has a double meaning, yet the system of Jên-wang-ching mandala is predominant. 5. All the signs point to the likelihood that the planner of such a mandala system cannot but have been Kūkai. Certainly Kūkai must have prepared several tentative plans for the arrangement of the deities in the Lecture Hall. A unique mandala called “Daishi Honzon Zu (Mandala Scheme made by Kūkai)”, which seems to be the work of Kūkai, is possibly one of them. This mandala puts emphasis on Buddhas and Bodhisattvas while the five Vadyārājas have only minor significance. It may be the result of placing importance on the Shou-hu-kuo-chieh-chu-ching (Sutra of the Protection of the State Lord; Taisho 997), one of the sutras promoting the peace of the state. A scheme showing the relationship of deities as written in 839 by Shinnen, a disciple of Kūkai, must have been one of the tentative plans as well. Here the elements of the Jên-wang-ching ritual are predominant, and this scheme is very close to the actual arrangement of the Lecture Hall deities. This fact leads us to assume that it become virtually final plan. The composition of the deities for the Lecture Hall's unusual mandala was thus decided, and the plan was fulfilled after his death. Thus Kūkai intended to make the hall the center of his newly introduced Esoteric practices that were carried on as prayers for the peace and welfare of the state. It was closely related to his efforts to meet the demands of the Early Heian Period when the prevalent thought was the protection of the state by Buddhism. In fact, we find in the career of Kūkai that he put stress on the Shou-hu-kuo-chieh-chu-ching and the Jên-wang-ching which he had brought back from China, and tried to promote the new rituals based on these sutras. In short, the deities of the Lecture Hall of the Tōji were planned by Kūkai himself who wanted to realize his ideal. It means that they are not only the objects of worship installed in the Hall, but they also compose a unique mandala for the ritual of Buddhist protection of the state.

著者

塩谷 純

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.399, pp.37-45, 2010-01-07

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This article is part II of the “Study of Kawabata Gyokusho” (part I) published in The Bijutsu Kenkyû no. 392. This section presents the third chapter of the paper, considering the Gyokuşhô's study of Chinese painting up until the Meiji 20s. In the critical 1911 biography of Kawabata Gyokushô, published in Gyokusho's late years, Gyokushô commented on the necessity for Chinese painting study. From the Meiji period onwards, the arts of Japan deepened their connections with the west, while its previously deep connections with China weakened. Thus our fascination today with Gyokushô's seemingly old-fashioned pronouncement. A look at Gyokusho's work reveals that his teacher was the Shijô school painter Nakajima Raishố, and he also attended lectures by the literati painter Oda Kaisen on Chinese painting theory, particularly Zhang Geng's Guozhao Huanzhenglu and Shen Zongqian's Jiezhou Xuehua Bian. In terms of his works, iconography in the Melon and Squirrel (1882) published in the Gyokushô Gafu (published 1912), clearly reveals that it was copied from the Shen Nanpin work Birds, Flowers and Animals, in the collection of the Mitsui family, his patrons. The detailed handling in two bird and flower paintings, namely Rooster and Cherry Blossoms (pl. VII) and Grapes and Squirrels (pl. VIII), both in the Tokyo University of the Arts collection, was obviously indebted to Nanpin styles, given that Shen Nanpin was greatly admired during the Meiji 20s when these works were created. Further, Gyokushô was exposed to various works that conveyed the painting style of Chinese Academic painters. An article in the academic journal Kokka introduced works by the Southern Song dynasty painter Li Di and the Ming dynasty painter Tang Yin that were in Gyokushô's collection. The pair of six panel screens, Taoliyuan and Duleyuan, exhibited by Gyokushô in the 4th Domestic Industrial Exposition held in Meiji 28 (1895), were clearly based on Taoliyuan and Jinguyuan works by Qui Ying in the Chion in collection. The Toy Vendor entered by Gyokushô in the Chicago Columbian Exposition in Meiji 26 (1893), was clearly a Japanese genre painting interpretation of the Knickknack Peddlers by Lu Wenyin, then in the collection of the Tokyo Bijutsu Gakkô, where Gyokushô himself was working. Thus, to summarize the contact between Gyokushô up to the Meiji 20s and Chinese painting by Shen Nanpin and academic lineage painters, mention must be made of the importance of Chinese painting study for Maruyama Okyo the founder of the Maruyama school in which Gyokushô worked. Gyokushô followed in Okyo's footsteps in his study of Chinese painting, and he also gave some new character to Maruyama school painting that had the tendency to easily lapse into light, vulgarly everyday modes. Further, by the Meiji 20s, the plagiarism seen in the Taoliyuan and Jingiyuan works was seen as nothing more than iconographic borrowing. However, from the Meiji 30s onwards, Gyokushô began to paint large numbers of literati style landscapes. His change and the deepening of his study of such works will be discussed further in chapter 5 of this work.

著者

関口 正之

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.321, pp.15-24, 1982-09-30

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Part I and Part II of this paper appear in Nos. 317 and 319 of the Bijutsu Kenkyu. In the present part the subjects of Scrolls 6, 7 and 8 are described. Scroll 6 is the scene of Suppression of Demons. At the center of the picture is the troop of the Demon King attacking Śākyamuni. The heads of the arrows shot toward Śākyamuni are trasformed into lotus flowers. The three daughters of the Demon King are depicted at the lower left of the picture ; the daughters transformed into old women by Śākyamuni are at the middle of the bottom; and Pṛthivi who has appeared to prove the righteousness of Śākyamuni is at the lower right. The depiction of Pșthivī whose upper half of the body is emerging from the earth like this is rare. Furthermore, the figure of Śākyamuni meditating for seven days after the demon-suppression is added at the right hand side of the picture in a small size. Scroll 7 is the scene of King Bimbisāra's Conversion to Śākyamuni's Teaching after hearing his sermon. In the upper part of the picture is depicted the audience in front of Śākyamuni, including the king and his ministers, and elephant carriages and attendants waiting the return of the king are in the lower half. Behind Śākyamuni is Gṛdhrakūta Mountain with its eagle-headed peak, suggesting that Śākyamuni is preaching. Also, the wheels of law painted between Śākyamuni and the kings symbolize his preaching. Scroll 8 is a visualization of three stories concerning the Nirvāṇa. The entire left half of the picture plane is devoted to a minute depiction of the Nirvāṇa scene which embodies details like Mahāmāyā with her attendants and the old women near Sākyamuni's feet. The lower right of the picture plane is the cremation of Śākyamuni. Here, as MahāKāśyapa, who could not come to see Śākyamuni upon his deathbed, worships the coffin placed on firewood, feet of Śākyamuni appear from the coffin. The upper right is the scene of distribution of Śākyamuni's relics in which a brāhmaṇa Droṇa divides the relics.

著者

綿田 稔

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.395, pp.20-56, 2008-08-28

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For résumé, see Bijutsu Kenkyu No. 393

著者

上野 アキ

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.269, pp.1-35, 1970-11-10

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An enormous amount of artistic and literary materials were brought from Tun-huang by Sir Aurel Stein and Paul Pelliot. The paintings among them are now in British Museum, London, National Museum, New Delhi and Musée Guimét, Paris. As for the Stein Collection, there are descriptions in Serindia, Oxford, 1921, and Thousand Buddhas, London, 1921, and there is a comprehensive study by Dr. MATSUMOTO, Eiichi, Tonkōga no Kenkyū (Studies on Tun-huang Paintings), Tokyo, 1937. On the other hand, no comprehensive documentation has not yet published as to the Pelliot Collection. In the present paper, the author discusses banner paintings representing Buddha's life from both collections. She here treats long narrow banners in which scenes from Buddha's life are vertically arranged and she does not treat so called side scenes belonging to a larger painting. There are thirty-two pieces which are generally regarded to be of this category including fragments, namely, eighteen in Brisith Museum, eleven in National Museum, New Delhi, and three in Musée Guimét. Some of these works have been illustrated in the above mentioned books. In preparing the plates of the present number, the author puts emphasis on the unpublished works. For instance, those shown in the colour plate are works which have not been published in colour before. The present paper consists of two parts. In the first part in this number, the author gives detailed descriptions to the works and in the second part she will discuss their subjects, styles, techniques and dates. As for the works of Stein Collection, she uses the numbering system now in use in British Museum, that is, the numbering system adopted in Catalogue of Paintings Recover ed from Tun-huang by Sir Aurel Stein, London, 1931. The correspondence with the original numbering system by Stein is shown in the table in page 3. The main works discussed in the present paper are as follows: Stein Collection No. 84 (Pl. IIIa) has short explanation phrases as well as No. 86 (fig. 1), a work of the same type. Both explanations are of naive letters written with a sort of pen. Stein Collection No. 85 (Pl. II) is a work chiefly done in line drawing. The rendering technique of the profiles of men seen at the upper part is characteristic. It depicts the pursuers galloping their horses after Siddhartha's "great departure," Siddhartha's horse Kanthaka and the groom Chandaka leaving him in the mountain and Kanthaka coming back to the palace. Stein Collection No. 88 is a part of a larger composition judging from the seam running vertically at the right portion, and therefore it is hard to count it as a banner painting of Buddha's life. Nos. 88 (fig. 3) and 90 (fig. 4) might be called the best among the works discussed here, with very fine brushwork, precise rendition and brilliant colours. No. 88 depicts the scenes with the aged and the sick of the four scenes Prince Siddhartha saw outside the four gates of the palace. No. 90 shows his training in literary and military arts in his boyhood. The fringes on the both sides and between the sections has patterns decorated with rainbow grading in which the T'ang style combinations of blue with red and green with violet are consistently observed. Stein Collection Nos. 91 (Pl. IIIb) and 89 (Pl. IIIc) are proved to have belonged to the same composition depicting the dream of Mahāmāyā, the birth of Siddhartha, his bath in the Lumbini Garden and the scene of the seven steps. Stein Collection No. 92 (fig. 5) is a complete banner with its top at the upper end and also with the bottom fringe. Stein Collection No. 93 has a drawing of the seven treasures of Cakravartin. Stein Collection No. 94 (Pl. Ia) depicts the three scenes of the "simultaneous birth". A sheep suckling a lamb, a cow licking the head of its calf and a mare suckling a foal are seen. The grasses each of which has one red flower and one violet flower are characteristic. Stein Collection No. 95 (fig. 7) is a work with brilliant colours depicting the scenes of the farewell of Chandaka and Kanthaka, the departure of Chandaka and the pursuit of the messengers. Stein Collection No. 96 (fig. 8) has the most standardized arrangement with four sections as well as No. 509 (fig. 17), both of them having flat areas of colours. The landscape seen in No. 509 is interesting enough. Stein Collection No. 97 (Pl. IVa) has scenes with dark colours compared with its fringes of floral patterns as well as No. 510 (fig. 17). The landscapes of both works show the mixture of the Six-Dynasties style and the Tang style. Stein Collection No. 98 (Pl. Ib) is a drawing with slight colours depicting the scenes of Siddhartha's marriage, pleasures of the palace and the great departure. The expression of the simple but lovely faces of the figures is interesting Stein Collection No. 99 (fig. 9) is one of the most beautiful paintings of this group. It de picts the seven treasures of Cakravartin, Prince Siddhartha's bath in the Lumbini Garden and the scene of the seven steps. Stein Collection No. 100 (fig. 10) is a drawing with faint colours showing scenes of five men running in fear in thundering rain, Prince Siddhartha's austerities and his bath in the Niranjanā River. Stein Collection No. 305 (fig. 12) bears the two same scenes as No. 95 and the scene of Buddha's preaching. The work itself is not so good as No. 95. Stein Collection No. 464 (Pl. IVb) keeps the top part of the banner. Well-preserved coarse pigments are seen. The fringes on the both sides and between the sections has the same characteristics as Nos. 514 and 515. Stein Collection No. 492 (fig. 13) is a beautifully coloured painting depicting four scenes concerning Siddhartha's great departure. The fact that the roof at the left end of the fourth scene is now upside-down compared with the plate in Serindia (fig. 15), suggests that the other side of the banner is also coloured. The author presumes that the top scene as is now framed must be the different side from the other part now seen in the frame (fig. 14). Stein Collection No. 514 (Pl. Ic) has fringes on the right and left sides and between the sections which are the same type as No. 515. The author attributes the third scene to the scene with Asita reading Siddhartha's character by his physical features and the fourth to the scene of Siddhartha's coming back to the palace after it. Musée Guimét EO 1154 (fig. 19) seems to be the scene concerning the great departure though it is now disordered due to the rough repairs and retouches. The fine rendition of the figures has something in common with Stein Collection No. 227. Musée Guimet Nos. 1216 (fig. 20) and 1217 (fig. 21) are complete banners. The former depicts the trainings of Siddhartha in his boyhood and the latter, his horse ride out of four gates of the palace. Both are of rather inferior work. The latter is shown in Pl. V alongside Stein Collection No. 88 with the same subject.

著者

皿井 舞

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.398, pp.1-30, 2009-08-31

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This is the third section of a three-part discussion of the construction of Daigoji temple, ordered by Emperor Daigo in Engi 7 (907). As the final section of the article, this section clarifies the meaning of the temple construct at Kami-Daigo. The unusual feature of the Kami-Daigo temple complex is the parallel display of the exoteric Buddhist deity Yakushi with the esoteric Buddhist deities known as the Godaimyoo. This article focuses on this point and begins with an examination of the role and function of Yakushi and the Godaimyoo from the latter half of the 9th century onwards. This examination revealed that prior to the latter half of the 9th century, Yakushi and the Godaimyôô were both thought to be able to protect the country and ward off calamity. Thus it was deemed that they should be enshrined in the focal points of national protection, namely the Kokubunji temples and other such sites. Thus, the KamiDaigo temple complex commissioned by Emperor Daigo was fitted with not one but two central worship images that had powerful anti-calamity functions. This was not, however, a normal state of affairs. It is thought that this unusual situation was brought about by the domestic and international dangers and political unrest that occurred from the end of the 9th century through the beginning of the 10th century. Internally, unrest continued in the Kanto region, with the so-called "ôgoku no ran" riots occurring at the beginning of the 10th century proving a considerable threat to the imperial court. From offshore, pirates from Silla were sporadically raiding Japan. These extremely heightened political tensions provided the impetus for the creation of the Yakushi and Godaimyos images for Kami-Daigo. At first glance this combination of Yakushi and Godaimyôô appears to be a mixed gathering of different types. This "mélange" that supercedes the framework of exoteric/esoteric had not previously been seen in temples. However, this "mélange" appears to be the major characteristic of the imperially commissioned Daigoji, including both Kami-Daigo structures and the Shimo-Daigo structures. At the same time, this "mélange" could only have emerged because of the changes in national policy and culture that began in the early years of the 10th century. Indeed, the period changes are fully etched into this KamiDaigo temple complex.

著者

皿井 舞

雑誌

美術研究 = The bijutsu kenkiu : the journal of art studies

巻号頁・発行日

no.392, pp.1-21, 2007-09-28

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This paper is the first of a three-part series that will discuss the historical and philosophical background of the creation of the Yakushi Triad in the Yakushidô Hall, KamiDaigo, Daigoji, Kyoto, created at the beginning of the 10th century during Japan's Heian period. This article first analyzes the formative expression of the Yakushi Nyorai figure that stands as the central figure of the Daigoji Yakushi Triad. As has been indicated by a number of previous studies of the subject, older elements can be discerned in parts of this figure's formative expression. These revivalist elements seen in the formative expression quote elements of the sculptural style prevalent in Japan from the end of the Nara period through the beginning of the Heian period. This article takes the discussion a step further, comparing the facial expression of the Daigoji Yakushi Nyorai figure with that of the Tôdaiji Amoghapasa figure created around the middle of the 8th century during the Nara period. This comparison clearly reveals the resemblance between the figures in terms of the three-dimensional expression of their eyes, eyebrows, noses and mouths. Sculptural style, namely the characteristics of three-dimensional expression, is individual for each different historical period. Yet, the Daigoji figure reveals the inclusion of past styles into the compositional elements of the facial expression. This quotation of a section of a specifically dated style cannot be seen in figures created before the Daigoji figures and can be considered a special characteristic of this sculpture's formative expression. This use of revivalist expression in the Daigoji figure can be considered to have been based on the participation of the priest Shôbô (832-909) in the construction of the KamiDaigo structures. This was because Shôbô had been the bettô, or manager in charge, of various temples where the restoration of Buddhist sculptures was being carried out. Thus he was a person deeply connected to Nara, and hence very familiar with formal styles of Nara period sculpture. However, when a temple was created by imperial command, the imperial court established a temporary organizational structure for its work. Hence the degree to which Shôbô would have participated in the determination of the sculptural style must be considered carefully. With the aim of getting a relative view of Shôbô's achievements, the second chapter of this paper aims to clarify the facts surrounding the organizational structure of Daigoji during this period. As an element of that study, the first section analyzes the Shingon sect priest Eri who is thought to have been active in the creation of Buddhist figures along with Shôbô. The section presents a critique of the historical documents available regarding Eri, and through analysis of the reliable documents, it can be shown that it was not Shôbô, but rather Eri who was the Buddhist priest entrusted with the organizational structure by order of the imperial court.